|Federal Kingdom of Andalus|
Anthem: "Chanson de l'Andalousie"
"Song of the Andalusians"
Location of Andalus within Andalusia
Saadiyat (Judicial) |
|Recognised national languages||
|Recognised regional languages||Laebataan|
|Demonym||Andalusian, Andalusi (informal)|
Confederal parliamentaryconstitutional monarchy
• Prime Minister
|Chamber of Representatives|
|Unification of Andalus|
• Andalusian Confederation
|September 21, 1948|
• Acts of the Union
|October 2, 1983|
|2,653,129 km2 (1,024,379 sq mi)|
• Water (%)
• 2016 estimate
• 2010 census
|GDP (PPP)||2016 estimate|
|$5.096 trillion [b]|
• Per capita
|GDP (nominal)||2016 estimate|
• Per capita
|Currency||Colum (₡) (COL)|
|Drives on the||right|
Andalus, Officially the Federal Kingdom of Andalus (Beidar: المملكة الاتحادية الأندلس, Al-Mamlakah al-ʼAndalus (Etruscan: Uni fédéral de Andalus) is a state located mainly on the island of Andalusia, and the Donan Peninsula, in mainland Columbia. It is bordered to the east by the States of Eilat and Turin, and Apomo (ADR) and Noam to the south. With an estimated population of 84 million, Andalus is the most populous state in the region. With a total area of over 870,000 sq mi Andalus is the largest nation on Andalusia.
Andalus is a secular, constitutional federal monarchy, made up of three constituent kingdoms, Abbasid, Sousse, and Tiberias and seven emirates, unified under a single monarch. The King of Sousse serves as the Head of the State, although he has strictly ceremonial duties. The King of Tiberias serves as the deputy Prime Minister of Andalus, but has no real power. The remainder of Andalus is further divided into the constituent emirates of Deira, Khalifji, Sadiyaat, Ras al-Ziad, Jidda, and Umm-Salal, which form the United Andalusian Emirates. Andalus also maintains sovereignty over three special administrative regions, Nasser, the Ramada Islands, and Sabrallaj, which maintain a high level of autonomy from the rest of Andalus. The administrative capital is Saadiyat, which is one of Andalus' major centers of commercial and cultural activities. However, Duis is the legislative capital. Since the beginning of the Oil Era, Andalus has re-emerged as one of the fastest growing economies in the world. As of 2010 Andalus has Adonia's tenth highest GDP per capita, and the world's fifth highest military expenditure.
During the late 1980's Andalus' economy rapidly transitioned from its dependence on oil exports, which now accounts for 6% of Andalus' annual GDP. Cities such as Deira, Jidda, and Taza have become hubs for international markets and investment. Abbasid is a member state of the several economic unions, and is the influential leader of the Columbian Union.
- 1 History
- 1.1 Ancient era
- 1.2 Andal Kingdom
- 1.3 Islamic invasions
- 1.4 Beidar Civil Wars
- 1.5 Middle Ages
- 1.6 19th Century
- 1.7 Independence
- 1.8 Industrialization
- 1.9 World Wars
- 1.10 Post World Wars
- 1.11 21st Century
- 2 Economy and Infrastructure
- 3 Culture
- 4 Geography
- 5 Government and Politics
- 5.1 Monarchies of Andalus
- 5.2 Special Administrative Regions
- 5.3 Emirates
- 5.4 Political parties and elections
- 5.5 Foreign Relations
- 5.6 Inter-Andalusian relations
- 5.7 Law
- 5.8 Legal System
- 5.9 Military
- 5.10 Administrative divisions
- 5.11 Human Rights
- 5.12 Drug policy
- 6 Demographics
- 7 See Also
- 8 External Links
The beginning of the ancient area is considered in 329 BCE, with the the Delians being the first outsiders to encounter what is now Hejaz. Ancient Delian records at the time speak of a far away place, which was named "Makros" (lit. "distant"). The Delians soon returned, bringing with them settlers to settle the land with it's fertile soil and natural harbors, which would trade with the Delian city states.
Throughout it's early years Makros served as a colonial post for the Delian city state --. Opposition to this role grew considerably over the years due to the distance between the polis and --. This opposition came to a head in the early part of the 1st century BCE, when their fleets fought one of the first naval battles in history. Led by Kleitos of Arae, Mykros defeated --, to become its own independent city-state. according to Thucydides. These hostilities eventually contributed to the --- War in Delos.
The state was spared the devastation faced by others during the war, due to it's relative isolation and self-reliance for trade. Makros soon developed it's own culture (which later became known as Bakri, borrowing several traditions from Delos, while the languages grew apart. However, Kleitos died in 98 BCE, and his generals could not agree on who would take over as King, which led to Makros' division into 4 influential city states. Delian traders spread their religion Dodekathiesm throughout the region, later becoming the basis of Bakri society. The idea of democracy flourished in Arae (by far the most influential states), with one of the first democratically elected governments in history. Beidar nomads attacked the state several times, but a final assault in 93 BCE seriously weakened the city-state. Infighting within the influential families of Arae gave way to the sacking of the city by rival states.
The Bakri leader "Heron" seized power in 73 BCE, and began his military campaign aimed at unifying the warring states, under the control of Arae. Under his leadership, the Bakris became know as the Andals, named after Andal, the Delian name for the god of war. Aggressive expansion occured throughout the next two decades, with the Andals seeing ten different wars, which became known as the Warring States Period. An alliance of the three remaining Delian city-states eventually defeated and executed Heron in the Battle of Has, before disbanding the Araean democracy and exiling several prominent scholars. This was one of the leading causes of the beginning of the Bakri Dark Ages, while ushering in a period of economic and military decline. The Dark Ages of Andal society would last until the acceptance of Beidar culture in 400 BCE, which re-ignited religious and scientific interest.
The Sargonians were the first to permanately settle within what is now Abbasid. The Sargonians settled along the fertle plains in between the Afzal and Ashfaq Rivers, in present day Esdaad. They soon spread along the two rivers, reaching the Kabier Gulf. The Sargonian Empire (2334–2154 BC) was founded by Farja the Great, who led the Akkadians through the wars with the rival Jurabs to the east. The Akkadians soon established their capital, Assur. In 2337 the Akkadians crushed the Jurabs, slaughtering many, and taking the remainder as spoils of war. During this time period slavery in Sargon thrived. Around this time the Sargonians were able to advance their knowledge of irrigation, and tool making from different material.
Several tablets were unearthed in Esdaad, carrying stories of widespread death and destruction following the fall of Jurabs in Central Althena. The troubles after the war caused several Assyrian faction rebelled against him, and were ruthlessly crushed by the armies of Farja. Despite the failure of the rebellion, a similar uprising occured in 2298 resulted in the death of Farja the Great, and the beginning of Sargon's decline. The Sargonian Empire was eventually destroyed by internal civil war and economic decline. The Fall of Sargon gave rise to the Assurians, who rebuilt their capital over Assur. The city-state of Assur remained an unimportant settlement until the reign of Ekurzakir. King Ekurzakir defeated the neighboring Kingdoms of Atrahasis, Hillalum, and Rihat, spreading Assurian influence throughout the then known "four corners of the world". King Ekurzakir also laid out the Empire's laws, which became known as Ekurzakir's Code, which cemented the basisi of everyday Assurian life.
However the Assurians weren't gifted with defence along the two rivers, and soon after the Assurians were driven out of the Kabier Peninsula by the newly organized Kabiers. The Kabiers, led by Medeba Samshu, also laid siege to the city of Assur itself, but were forced away from the city in 1734BC. After a decade of internal conflict in Assuria, a new king seized power, and managed to reclaim land that was part of Ekurzakir's empire. Under this King Assuria survied several Kabier revolts, and experience massive wealth and trade. The native rule survived in until 394, when King Ditani made a vain attempt to recapture the Kingdom of Menaseh for Assuria, but was killed by Menashian soldiers. The two following Kings failed to maintain Assuria's borders, and the city was sacked in 383.
Beidar Civil Wars
The Nakba Wars (Kabier: حروب الردة, "The Catastrophe"), were a series of Islamic military campaigns launched by the Caliph Umilyyad, and his Sunni allies against the rebel Shia tribes, from 644 to 645 AD. The rebels wanted to establish their own Shia state independent from the rising Sunni Umilyyad. However, some rebels followed Caliph Umilyyad, or Saleh, who claimed prophethood. The Shia tribes that surronded the holy city of Ayjad did no rebel against the Caliph, which caused the Caliph to grant them right to remain inside the caliphate, undisturbed. The Shia (also known as Shiite) armies captured the holy city of Aminah, and held it for five months, and began construction of Shia mosques, before the Sunni armies drove them out. Immediately after the recapture of Amman, all Sunni structures inside the city were demolished, and any Shias remaining were beheaded.
The Sunni victory at Aminah marked a turning point in the war, as Shia numbers began to dwindle, forcing them to fight a guerrilla war against the Caliph and his armies. Sunni armies crushed the final Shia force that was besieging the city of Ramallah, ending the rebellion, and handing absolute power to Caliph Umilyyad. With most of the tribes were defeated and reintegrated into the Caliphate, only a few Shia tribes refused to surrender to Caliph Umilyyad, and were exiled out of the empire, into Forgia. The mass exodus of Shia's from the Kabier Peninsula is widely believed to be the beginning of the Sunni-Shia secretariat conflict.
Islam reached the coastal Bani Yousef clan in 650, which resulted Islam spreading through Kabier trade routes into the Far East, and into West Althena. The use of the name 'Abbasid' was first mentioned in 657, when the Bakri groups, mainly the members of the Bani Hamad tribe, some of which are Al-Rashid, and Al-Khalid, established the autonomous Kingdom of Abbasid within the Umilyyad Caliphate. The original Abbasids were excellent sailors, with trade routes stretching to Neridia, and as far as present day Insulo. Kabier tribes reached the Shaltivian Islands, where the new settlers established the town and port of Mahad and called it Mahé, after Sheikh Mahad al-Rashid. They were descendants of the Bani Hamad tribe who gradually migrated in the early 7th century from the Dahji Gulf. The tribes quickly spread throughout the islands of the Solvanese Ocean. However, the rule of the King was cut short with his assassination in 689, and his subsequent replacement by his son, Umar bin Sultan.
Under Umar bin Sultan, Islam was adopted as the Caliphate's religion, and other religions were banned in public, and apostasy was punishable by death. In 701, the armies of Umar bin Sultan conquered the holy cities of Aminah and Ayjad from the Sharifate of Ayjad, officially annexing the Sharifate into his Islamic empire. The Umilyyads sought to create one Islamic state spanning all of Central Althena. To finance this, the Caliph imposed heavy taxes on the Christian and Jewish population, which aided the Umilyyads in the Kabier-Allajia Wars, which ended with the introduction of Islam to the Eastern Asmirivan tribes. The capital of the Caliphate was then moved from Al-Musaid (present day Rasheed) to Miqdaiyah (present day Sidayarah), along the Majda River in present day Esdaad.
After the war the Umilyyads focused on the development of science, art, and economics. During this period the Kabier world became an intellectual center for science, philosophy, medicine and education; the Umilyyads championed the cause of knowledge and established the House of Wisdom (Bait-ul-Hikmat) at Sidayrah, where both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars sought to translate and gather all the world's knowledge into Kabier. The Kabiers showed a strong interest in assimilating the scientific knowledge of the civilizations they had overrun. The Golden Age eventually ending with a Civil War emerging between Caliph Shezadh's government, and his brother Nazeer. In the ensuing war thousands were killed, and dozens of cities were razed to the ground. The two brothers were eventually forced to reconcile, and agreed on the unification of both sides in to Caliphate of Umilyyad and Abbasid. Although peace was sustained, the Caliphate never recovered its importance prior to the Civil War. A few years later a coup by Sheikh Nazeer overthrew his brother´s government, and the Caliphate was renamed to Abbasid.
Northern Andalusia (which was then called Esdaad, was invaded in 1001 by Christian explorers seeking to expel the Beidar Muslims. The war eventually ended in a crushing defeat for Christian armies in 1005, leaving the Muslims in control of much of present day Eilat. However they returned in 1006 with allies, pushing back the Beidars, and liberating major cities including Eilakim and Taza. Immediately following the conclusion of the war they established the Kingdom of Eilakim, and the State of Taza, to continue the Christianization of the region.
There was a lengthy dispute over who should control the state. Tensions eventually led to the outbreak of the War of the Roses, spearheaded by the Etruscan prince Tiberius XIV. Tiberius and his allies eventually won, and established the Kingdom of Tiberius. Following the establishment of the state, Tiberius died from a deadly epidemic that was spreading through his army.
In 1335 the royal marriage between the House of Eilas and the House of Leon (Etrusque, then known as Estruia) collapsed after the acension of Tiberian born Prince Leopold to the throne of Tiberius. King Charles of Estruia rejected this, claiming Leopold was unable to rule, and did not possess the right as King. Leopold ignored this, provoking Esturia to seize the throne at Duisburg, killing Leopold in the process. Charles took the chance to crown hisself as king of both Estruia and Tiberius. Leopold was the half brother of Prince Fredrick of Staufen, who disputed Charles' claim on the throne, as he was the closest relative of Leopold. In response, Fredrick rallied his armies and that of Tiberius, launching the first phase of the Hundred Year's War.
The final phase of the war began in 1421, after Prince Edward had come of age, he launched what became the Edwardian War, seeking to reclaim land that was taken from Tiberius in the third war of succession. This time, the Etruscan's were backed by the Bakri, who sought to overthrow the Levantine state in Hejaz. Led on by false promises of revenge, the Bakri besieged Duis on three separate occasions, each time being driven away from the city walls. Tiberius greatly used it's possessions of a largely undeveloped population to wield a large field army, creating one of the largest standing armies in history. The end of the war's fourth phase came after the Siege of Littio in the southern Donan, where the two sides agreed to the Peace of Strasbourg, officially creating the Kingdom of Tiberias, under the undisputed House of Eilas, in 1466.
Abbasid's history in the 20th Century was marked by a series of devastating conflicts, several years of political instability, and a sudden economic crash, but Abbasid emerged from the 20th century as the planet's largest oil producer, and one of the fastest growing economies. The turbulent years following several failed rebellions in 1934 were stained with internal strife between the scattered government, and the extremely impoverished population. Abbasid's only steady income was from pearling, but it was not able to support the growing nation.
The call for independence from Etrusque largely originated within Tiberias, following three years of being a client state of the Etruscan Empire. The religious 'clash of cultures' built up gradually but inexorably into outbursts of violence against the perceived repression of the Elias Crown, which had close ties to royalty in Brunswick. The tensions led to storming of Clemens Palace in Duis, which later became known as Clemens Day, symbolizing the beginning of the rebellion.
In Abbasid, the push for independence was largely ignored, with it's population being much more supporting of Etruscan control than Tiberias. Tiberias openly rejected the possibility of a union with the emirates in response. Etrusque took advantage of this, recruiting Beidars and Pied-Noirs to serve in it's armies against Tiberias. Etrusque was initially able to suppress the rebellion, but the tides changed when rebels captured Taza, depriving Etrusque of a major port, and taking control of several naval ships that lay in port. At this point, Brunswick, realizing it's chance to seriously weaken Etruscan power, intervened in favor of Tiberias, contributing almost 150,000 troops to the war, launching the North Sousse Campaign, against the Northen Beidar states.
However, repeated Etruscan blunders in the war, and the disproportionate amount of Beidars being recruited caused a split in Beidar-Etruscan relations. To try and appease this growing discontent, Etrusque granted Abbasid a high level of autonomy, however this was not enough. Etrusque still retained most power in Abbasid, as the colonial government was itself Etruscan so it was not inclined to support Abbasidi outcries. To add to this the world was changing and much pressure was building between alliances. The Etruscan government's need for money to fund military endeavors meant higher taxes, and less income for Abbasidi citizens.
This lead to the Rasheed incident in 1850, in which thousands took to the streets demanding Abbasidi independence, and for Etrusque to withdraw from the region. The tough Etruscan crackdown resulted in the deaths of over 300 protesters, and the destruction of over 75 buildings. Over the following days mass riots occurred throughout Abbasid. Two weeks later the riots had turned into a full blown rebellion. Soon,a multifaceted Civil War broke out, between the Beidar (Khalifji and the emirates) and Pied noirs (Sousse) population led by the Intifada League, against the Etruscan government. The Etruscan government immediately mobilized its forces, and deployed them to Abbasid. Unable to quell the fighting factions, Etruscan soldiers withdrew to Nasser, maintaining de jure control over Abbasid. However, Etrusque failed to change the rising nationalism that was sweeping through the territory. On 15 March 1851 Etrusque was forced to accept the First Treaty of Duis, which recognized Tiberian independence, and relinquishing claims to the Donan Peninsula.
The failure of Etrusque's campaign fueled the Beidar's desire for their own independent nation. Several militant groups emerged within Ajman, destroying several Etruscan government buildings, and sabotaging it's infrastructure. Eventually the militants and the Etruscans agreed to a ceasefire, to allow negotiations for Ajman's independence to begin. The talks, led by Sheikh Mohammed al-Rashid ended in July 1869, with Etrusque announcing the Rasheed Agreement, which would establish a confederal state made up of the then 12 Beidar states, to form the Emirate of Ajman. The agreement did not include the city of Nasser, which would remain under Etruscan control. In November 1869, Etrusque began transferring control of military installations to the local authorities. Meanwhile, the Federal Supreme Council was formed out of the then 12 emirs of Amjad's 12 states, which then elected Sheikh Mohammed al-Rashid as Ajman's first king. The Constitution of Ajman, which was heavily influenced by that of Etrusque, established the state as a secular constitutional monarchy, and Ajman officially became de jure independent from Etrusque. However, Etrusque remained in de facto control of the country, wielding strong amounts of political power and influence over the country. The Jewish immigrants gained a foothold in Ras'dod (now Eilat), and began their long fight for the establishment of a Jewish state.
Immediately following Ajman's independence, fighting broke out between it and Tiberias, which led up to the First Beidar-Tiberian War. During the war Tiberias deployed battle tactics used by Brunswick, utilizing the availability of cavalry to demoralize it's enemies. The tactics prove disastrous for the Beidars, who were driven back from Northern Ajman towards Deira and Jidda to the south. The war stalemated for months after King Luis XI halted his advance short of Rasheed. Tiberias gained naval superiority in the Battle of Casbah, before shelling Deira, Sabrallaj, and even threatening Etruscan control in Nasser. The Emperor of Etrusque nearly intervened, but this was deterred by the threat of a Braun declaration of war. The war ended with the Second Treaty of Duis, in which the Beidars relinquished much of it's Northern and Southern coast to Tiberias, including the holy cities of Ayjad and Aminah. The war was a complete embarrassment for the new state of Ajman.
The industrial revolution began about 1870 in Tiberias as it sough to catch up with the West. The government built railroads, improved roads, and inaugurated a land reform program to prepare the country for further development. It inaugurated a new Western-based education system for all people, following the footsteps of Etrusque and Brunswick. Shipbuilding emerged as the largest industry, followed by textiles. Trans-oceanic travel became a focus area in Tiberias, with the founding of the Trans-Andalusian Line, competing against several larger Columbian companies.
Ajman was initially slower to industrialize, but under King Mehmed, the state quickly introduced labor and social reforms. He replicated Tiberian tactics, adopting Columbian education systems, technology, and languages. He sent a group of high ranking officials to tour Tiberias to learn Columbian ways, Over this time, the state held ultimate power over the economy, allowing the country to rapidly catch up.
Economic ties between Tiberias and Ajman grew closer during this time, and Tiberian hegemony continued to decline, as Ajman emerged as the only nation in the region capable of opposing Tiberian military might. Smaller states were gradually absorbed, with Ajman taking the smaller Beidar sheikhdoms, starting with Deira. Secular reforms in Ajman furthered it's growth, with the expansion of universal education and government healthcare. The standard of living increased greatly, while the birth rate grew significantly.
After Tiberias regained indepedence following the Tiberian revolt, it sought to limit the growing influence of the Emirate of Ajman, which has successfully unified the Beidar emirates and threatened Tiberian control of Eilat. In 1915 Prince Carl launched the Second Beidar-Tiberian War, utilizing his powerful navy to subjugate coastal Beidar cities, such as Deira and Jidda. Sheikh Abdul of the Beidars formally surrendered on 9 April 1916, handing control of Rasheed and all of Sousse to the Tiberians. This contributed to the fall of the Emirate of Ajman, while giving rise to the Abbasidi State.
The Abbasidi State invaded southern Tiberias on 15 March 1920, setting off the Third Beidar-Tiberian War. swiftly securing Esdaad from Abbasidi forces. The initial shock and threw Tiberias into into a sense of disarray, with Beidar troops rapidly advancing on the Tiberian capital. The war soon descended into a stalemate, with Tiberias mobilizing over a million soldiers to route the Abbasidi army. Fighting ended in less than 3 months, with over 100,000 dead and no territorial changes.
Increasing tensions on the international stage led to Tiberias engaging in a rapid military buildup, to match that of it's fellow Columbian powers. However, this was a clear violation of the Treaty of Taza (which ended the Third Beidar-Tiberian War), causing Abbasid to follow suit. The Kingdom of Tiberias formed an alliance with the imperialist Empire of Brunswick, much to the dismay of Abbasid, which established an alliance with Etrusque, laying the foundation for a future confrontation. Several border clashes ensued between the two sides, but peace largely remained intact. The arms race reached it's height in 1939, with Tiberias gaining it's first battleship, the Strasbourg.
Tiberian imperialism became the official policy of the Tiberian government, as it became increasingly militarized, and the king was further alienated from politics. Eventually, King Joseph's refusal to bow down to the war-mongering of the then Prime Minister Henry Foret forced him to abdicate, in favor of his militant son, Carl XIV. The new extreme-right government's war-machine quickly turned the population pro-war.
With Braun backing, Tiberias attacked Abbasid with the intent of removing the last pockets of Beidar influence in what was to become Andalus. Immediately following the invasion of Abbasid, Etrusque declared war on Tiberias, mobilizing it's forces in Nasser. In response, Brunswick declared war on Etrusque, dragging the remainder of Columbia into the conflict. The first years of the war were mainly fought on sea, with the Tiberian Navy assaulting Beidar ports and coastal cities, hoping to draw the Abbasidi navy out of port. The campaign proved indecisive, with the Tiberians being routed by the Etruscan navy. Attention quickly turned to Etrusque in Nasser, while had largely stayed on the defensive side. Tiberian and Braun planes attacked the the Etruscan flotilla in the city of Nasser on October 14th, 1939, rendering it incapable of aiding the war effort.
Attack on Nasser (1939)
On 1 December 1939, General Arthur launched Operation Yellow, which was the Royal Army's push towards Rasheed. Tiberian troops crossed the border into Abbasid, and captured the town of Safwa, threatening the Abbasidi government in exile in Deira. In the ensuing chaos, almost 2 million Beidars fled the city and the surrounding areas to evade capture. In response, Abbasidi forces rallied in defense of the city of Abdullah, which surrounded the city of Rasheed. In total, Abdullah (and by extension Rasheed) had a total of 25,000 defenders,
Brunswick invaded southern Abbasid on 15 March 1942, suprising the Abbasidi army, and seized the city of Nasser from combined Etrusco-Abbasidi forces. The initial shock and threw Abbasid into into a sense of disarray, with Braun troops rapidly advancing on the countries exposed flank, and the Etruscan forces scattered and demorilized. However, Abbasidi forces had begun to gather in and around Rasheed, stockpiling all weapons they that could be found. On 8 April 1942, an ambush staged by several Abbasidi militias attacked the Braun army from the west, destroying most of their military vehicles, and cutting their supply lines, forcing them to retreat. However, the fledging Abbasidi Air Force was distracted by the Braun forces that still controlled most of southern Abbasid, and were unable to detect the Tiberian invasion force landing near Deira on the country's east coast. With Abbasid now clearly under major threat, a rapid mobilization ensued, with thousands joining the Abbasidi army, some without adequate training, and being deployed to the front lines.
Abbasidi forces broke through the Braun line at Al-Asafiyah, and chased them back across the border, towards Nasser. With renewed strength and morale, the Etruscans launched a offensive against the Braun battalion stationed in Nasser. The Braun forces had hastily evacuated the city for Tiberian-held lands, leaving behind strategic amounts of weapons and vehicles. The now organized Royal Abbasid Defense Forces gradually retook its lost land, and began planning an invasion of Tiberias via the Amaar Passage. However the invasion was called off, as the focus of the war had shifted to Eilat. Abbasid seized the port of Yafo from Tiberian forces, but was unable to secure the provincial capital of Eliakim, and the front eventually stalemated.
Following the failure of the Eilat campaign, no major battles or campaigns took place. Fighting was largely reduced to occasional cross-border raids and limited air raids on both sides. The industrial capacity of Tiberias had been badly damaged, with a total of 66% of the Tiberian heartland having been reduced to fields of rubble and ash. Almost 75% of the city of Duis had been leveled by nearly constant attacks, and it's population had dwindled to less than 55,000, from a pre-war population of four million. The devastation was similar in Abbasid, which suffered a serious blow to its industrial and agricultural production. In total, Andalusia lost 24% of it's prewar population of 41,274,892 (9,905,974 total killed), industrial output fell 87% and the currencies of Tiberias and Abbasid (the Eber and the Diyar) fell 91% and 84% in value respectively.
The enormous scale of the devestation forced the two sides to the barganing table, and representatives of the respecitve governments met in Adoni, Apomo, to work out a cohesive peace agreement. Negotiations were on and off, and were continously plagued by ceasefire violations and hit-and-run attacks, as the two sides struggled to draw a meaningful concession from the other. A peacetreaty was signed on 10 September 1948, which laid a time-table for a confederation between Tiberias and Abbasid would be formed within a month, under the name Andalusia, marking the unification of the island since the years 1500s.
Post World Wars
Andalusia emerged from the Great War unified, but still grappling with internal divisions, presenting a series of new problems. After a short period of provisional government initially led by General Charles de Gaulle, a new constitution (October 13, 1946) established the Fourth Republic under a parliamentary form of government controlled by a series of coalitions. The inability of the Beidars and the Levantines to come to a cohesive power-sharing agreement lead to successive short lived governments and cabinet crises. Tiberian colonial wars in Mozamba and anti-colonial sentiment in East Althena resulted in several crushing defeats, further hurting Tiberias's military ability. Tensions boiled over several times in Sousse, mostly due to the deterioation of ethnic relations (usually between the Pied-Noirs and Tiberians). The refusal of the government to grant them equal rights would eventually led to a civil and political crisis in Andalus, one which threatened to destroy the fragile unity.
The growing backlash against a government dominated by Tiberias continued to gain traction in Southern Andalus, and eventually the people began to turn on the once popular Beidar officials. In response, Prime Minister Foret backtracked on his concessions, and took direct authority over Sousse and Abbasid in order to stabilize them. Instead of federation of two Andalusian peoples, as many Beidars had imagined, the Confederation turned into a state completely dominated by Tiberias. In the process, the strongly centralized Tiberian state imposed Foret’s nationalistic political and economical system on weaker Abbasid, creating backlash from the Abbasidi business and army circles, which resulted in the Abbasidi insurrection, and the beginning of the Beidar insurgency. Prime Minister Foret quickly embarked on a heavy-handed operation to quell the uprising, and within a year, virtually all resistance had been destroyed.
Frustration within far-left groups against the Tiberian dominated government which had failed to deliver on its promises of new social-democratic reforms. Mass protests and demonstrations were brutally crushed by the Andalusian Defense Forces, causing a massive shift in public opinion to support the Worker's Party. Fighting broke out in August 1948, with the 2+1 Incident, and officially ended when major active battles ceased in 1972 following the deadly Rashaya Crisis, although there was a lull in fighting between 1952 and 1970. The conflict eventually resulted in two de facto states, the Andalusian Confederation on Apomo, and the communist government of the Republic of Andalus, both claiming to be the legitimate government of Andalus. However, Apomo was eventually captured by the Communists in 1974 after the ouster of the Royal Tiberian family in the White Revolution, effectively reducing Tiberian control to the Donan peninsula.
However, the Civil War was largely seen as a Beidar uprising against the Tiberian monarchy, as King Philip had spent much of his reign alienating Beidars from political involvement and public life. The rebellion army often described itself as the "Abbasidi Liberation Army" reflecting its role as a leading Beidar force.
Following the collapse of the Tiberian monarchy to Republican army, the remainder of the Royal Government fled across the Tiberian Channel to Donan, setting up a government-in-exile. In the months that followed, over 2 million more people fled from mainland Abbasid to the peninsula, even after the Republic gained control over the area. The Republic of Andalus, began a rapid military buildup, while lobbying to be recognized as the legitimate government of the Andalusian people. The proposal gained little support, with strong opposition from Etrusque, the Kingdom of Andalus, and Eilat. In response, President Nasser ordered the seizure of Rahmat, and the blockade of Nasser, which he claimed belonged to the Beidars of Andalus. The leaders of Etrusque, Eilat, and Andalus met secretly aboard the Etruscan ship La liberté, and formed the Tripartite, with the aim of retaking the Andalusian mainland from the forces loyal to President Faisal.
Eilat struck first, targeting Abbasidi air force bases and launching a quick ground invasion of Rashaya. Within seven days, Eialt seized the Rashaya strip and began pushing east into Tiberias. A joint Royalist-Etruscan invasion force crossed through Nasser and invaded Khalifji, facing tough resistance from Republican forces that had been preparing for war. After several days of fighting, they broke through the Republican front line, and threatened central Abbasid. In the ensuing chaos, President Faisal ordered the forceful removal of Bakri tribes out of fear of their cooperation with Etrusque. The Bakri population resisted, causing them to join the coalition in opposing Faisal. Due to the complex Bakri language, they were used to transmit messages between the coalition members. Disunity among those under President Faisal led to several splits in alliances, which led to a rebellion amongst the Tiberian population, driving out Republican forces and welcoming the Eilai army.
On the brink of a Republican defeat, Faisal rallied his Khalifjian allies, forcing back and surrounding the joint Royalist-Etruscan invasion force. Bloody fighting ensued, accumulating in the Battle of Sidayarah, the bloodiest battle in the war. The southern invasion crumbled, forcing the Coalition back into Nasser, where they were battered by the ROA Navy. It quickly descended into trench warfare, as the Republican army forced it's way in Nasser. The city changed hands 5 times, before it was captured by the ROAAF. The city had been reduced to nothing but rubble, and most of the population had either been killed, or had fled to Apomo or the Ramada Islands. The war eventually ground into a stalemate, with neither side able to dislodge the other from their strongholds. The Eilai advance was halted north of Rasheed, at Abdullah, in the largest tank battle if the war. International pressure on both sides to end the fighting and de-escalate the region eventually forced the agreement to a ceasefire, and both sides withdrew to their pre-war borders. At the last minute, Eilat withdrew from the deal, fortifying Rashaya while withdrawing from Tiberias and the rest of Abbasid. Republican Andalusian armies quickly moved in, massacring the local population, crushing the rebel forces. President Faisal warned Eilat to withdraw from Rashaya, or face utter annihilation. Eilat refused, bringing the two sides on the edge of another confrontation. This was only deterred by the threat of nuclear strikes by Etrusque.
The war proved to be a complete political disaster for the Coalition, drawing much international condemnation, and permanently damaging their international images. Political recognition declined rapidly, and the international community voted overwhelmingly to recognize the Republic over the Kingdom of Andalus. Public anger over the Coalition's failure led to the Andalusian royal forces being thrown out of Apomo and Donan (which later declared itself an independent principality), and exiled to Okaiken. It also contributed to resignation of the Etruscan Prime Minister and a major shift in the Eilai political spectrum. However, it is considered a military victory for the Coalition, as it defeat the Republican army, which was twice it's size, and prevented President Faisal's government from seizing control of Donan, and the Royal government in exile.
Republic of Andalus
Immediately following the evacuation of Loyalist forces from mainland Andalusia in 1952 military operations were suspended by the General Faisal, leader of the insurgency, Movement X. Faisal was appointed Secretary of the Movement, essentially the undisputed leader of Andalus. He strove to achieve harmony between the rival Beidars and Levantines, uniting them under the banner of Socialism. Movement X and several smaller revolutionary parities agreed to merge into the Andalusian Social Democratic Labor Party
The years following the conclusion of the Civil War involved immense reconstruction and economic reforms. President Faisal pushed for rapid industrialization, while embracing some market strategies. The successful implementation of the 1973 Oil embargo led oil prices to triple. Between 1974 and 1980 Andalus' economy grew by 350%, far outpacing that of the Kingdom in the years before. Millions of people were resettled However, Faisal was a strong opponent of religion, and openly suppressed religious practices. Mosques and churches were constantly under the threat of closure by the socialist government.
During the years of the Republic, Andalus became a staunch supporter of anti-imperialist, leftist-revolutions that were taking place throughout the world. President Faisal oversaw the propping up of several revolutionary regimes, most notably the quasi-Communist government of Arriola. Andalus shifted away from its traditional allies (the West), and aligned itself with the emerging and largely exploited agrarian societies of East Althena and Mozamba. Andalus went on to lead the Rasheed Pact, a loose coalition of developing nations with the purpose of collectively defending against Imperialism and anti-revolutionary actions from opposing nations.
Faisal severed relations with nations that continued to recognize the Andalusian Federation, including Okaiken, the Republic of Peilan, and most of the Columbian nations, but extended a hand of friendship, in exchange for them switching recognition.
Domestically, Faisal led the nation through a period of rapid liberalization, introducing reforms such as free university and healthcare for all resident of Andalus, a relatively peaceful redistribution of land. He oversaw the elevation of women to positions of power, while expanding the rights of minorities and LGBT groups, laying the groundwork for later Andalusian developments. Over five million immigrants would enter Andalus during the time of the Republic, establishing highly visible communities throughout Andalusia.
After the ending of hostilities, the newly unified Andalus struggled to form a united entity. The wide religious and linguistic differences between the Tiberians and the Beidars was seen as the first major obstacle to Andalusian unity. The PSDT fully embraced statism, which was essential in combating the rampant racism and inequality that was faced by much of the population. The Andalusian propaganda machine was utilized to produce media which promoted cooperation, opposition to capitalism, and socialism.
The era of economic growth raised Andalus from post war devastation to become one of the developed nations of Columbia. Prime Minister Matéo Pasternak, a Levantine military officer, was appointed by Faisal in 1962, and quickly rose to become the second most powerful man in the party. He facilitated the easing on restrictions on the Andalusian media industry, while suppressing right-wing sentiment which was labelled as "un-Andalusian". Pasternak established the vision of what was to become the "New Andalusian Worker", as postulated by the ideologists of the Social Democratic Labor Party. This idea of a New Andalusia were pressed by the Party, in the hopes of creating a unified Andalusian people, irrespective of religious, cultural, and ethnic diversity. It was later enshrined in official party guidelines, and was disseminated to the public through the publication of An Andalusian Man (1964).
Andalusian culture flourished at this time, blending Beidar, and Etruscan music, art, and cinema together, becoming one of the most distinct and desirable in the world, in what was known as the Andalusian effect or the Andalusian wave. Religious influence declined considerably during this time, with church attendance falling below 16% (1965). Counterculture, the youth movement and the Sexual revolution emerged in the 1960s and spread further in the 1970s. Public officials endorsed these movements in the hopes of furthering their anti-theist agenda.
The reforms became known as Mirandalou, a stylized Etruscan form "Andalusian Miracle". of the Part of the reason for launching the White Revolution was that the Shah hoped to get rid of the influence of big businesses in Tiberias over the rest of the country and create a new base of support among the poor and working class. The bulk of the program was aimed at Andalus' peasantry, a class the King hoped to gain as an ally to thwart the threat of the increasingly hostile Tiberian higher class. Thus Mirandalou and the White Revolution in Andalus represented a new attempt to introduce reform from above and eliminate traditional power patterns.
While Mirandalou was viewed as a time of liberation and reform, it also marked a period of aggressive government programs and action. The PSDT stressed the need for Andalusian uniformity, while intensifying international efforts for both recognition and legitimization. State control of the economy was forcefully exerted, in what was called necessary "belt-tightening", and efforts to contain counter-revolutionary movements were doubled.
King Jorge died in 1966, and his only heir was his daughter, Lycee. The government refused to recognize her as the legal heir, due to her mother's Palavi background, backed by the religious right. She was forced to flee the country in July 1966, much to international anger. Immediately, protests against the government began, with the motto "Je Suis Lycee".
The movement quickly gained international attention, and garned worldwide support after an assasination attempt on Lycee in Nasser in 1968. Immediately calls to abolish the monarchy were suppressed, causing a spike in support for republicanism. Protests grew rapidly, with Duis being their focal point. An anti-government gathering at Monet University in Duis was attacked by the National Guard, resulting in 52 people killed. The protesters, comprised of Liberals, Libertarians, feminists, and pacifists quickly spread throughout the country, while the crisis broke international headlines. They boycotted the 1967 elections in protest, allowing the Conservative Party to win. Suppression of the protests continued, while a gag order on media coverage was extended forcing several media outlets to flee the country.
However, the growing protests combined with increasing international pressure led to the downfall of the conservative government, resulting in the crowning of Lycee as Queen in 1970. As Queen, she relinquished some of her power in order to establish a genuine, democracy, but still held large amounts of influence over Andalusian culture and politics. She developed a following within Andalusia and the world, with her stylish fashion and strong commitment to human rights and child development. She often traveled the world with her family, visiting international capitals and embassies. She continued on the path of secularism and modernization initiated by her father.
- 1973 Oil Crisis
Following the failure of the Tripartite's objectives in the Rashaya Crisis, President Faisal was empowered to seize control of the situation, and decided to capitlize on the Western dependence on Andalusian petroleum. On 30 March 1973 he announced a 75% reduction in Andalusian oil production, which caused the price of oil to triple from $4/gallon to $12/gallon. It was officially declared an oil embargo the next day. Oil prices continued to rise, and several other oil producing nations joined the embargo, in protest of the illegal Tripartite aggression, and the refusal of the Adonian Community to recognize the Republic of Andalus. The embargo occurred at a time of rising petroleum consumption by industrialized countries and coincided with a sharp increase in oil imports by the world's largest oil consumers, along with a peak (and subsequent decline) in international oil output.
Eventually the oil producing nations formed the Association of Petroleum Exporting Nations (AOPEN), to coordinate their oil production and to debate quotas. The AOPEN followed up with a further 5% decline in production in June, and a further 3% decrease for every month after that, cutting nearly 50% of the total global output. Markets tumbled worldwide, and Etrusque the entire stock exchange crashed, triggering the Black Sunday crisis.
Finally, with the threat of a global meltdown, the Adonian Community passed Resolution 334, which withdrew recognition of the Andalusian Confederation, recognized the Republic, and strongly condemned the Tripartite aggression. Subsequent resolutions aimed at strengthening laws protecting national sovereignty and territorial integrity convinced the members of the AOPEN to lift their embargo, but oil prices would remain above $12.
The 1973 "oil price shock", with the accompanying 1973–74 energy crisis were regarded as the first of many Andalusian tactics to raise its international clout. The embargo's success demonstrated for the first time, the diplomatic and economic power of Andalus. It was the largest oil exporter and held the unchallenged potential to sway international views to fit its own agenda.
Andalus spent much of the early 21st century implementing strict social-democratic policies while strengthening the union between Sousse, Tiberias, and Abbasid. The ability of the nation to maintain it's delicate ethnic balance was interrupted with the rise of the far right Tiberian party "National Front" which won the majority of Tiberian seats in the 2002 elections, after widespread opposition to the central government's immigration policy. Social programs were expanded, and the government launched the Vision 2021 mission, which aimed to establish the nation as a green, united nation by 2021. The program focused on social development, to eliminate the last remnants of President Faisal's impact on Abbasidi society. In 2007 the government reopened rapprochement efforts with Rahmat, where they signed the Rahmat Ascension Treaty, in which Rahmat would gradually be re-integrated in Andalsian society as a full state. Immediately Sousse and Tiberias rejected this, as it would tip the balance of power to that of the Beidars-and Khalifji. Instead, they offered to admit it as a special administrative rights, with no representation in Andalusian politics. This was immediately rejected by Rahmat, which subsequently voided the treaty, to remain independent.
Rise of the new right
Increased immigration into Andalus fueled public anger that contributed the massive gains by the Conservative CDU in Tiberias and the Freedom and Justice Party in the national elections. Reports of racism and xenophobia spiked in 2014, to their highest levels since the 1970s, during the years of the Republic. For the first time in Andalus' history, a far-right group entered the Andalusian Parliament, the ultra-nationalist People's Party. The governing Socialist Party reacted with alarm at the quick rise of the National Front in Tiberias, which appealed to the younger votes, who believed their job were being taken, and immigrants came to take advantage of free education and healthcare. In the next elections, the People's Party is expected to gain 31% of all votes, to become the largest party in Parliament. Widespread dissatisfaction with the Social Democratic parties in Tiberias, Nasser and Sousse have seen polls tip in favor of their far-right parties.
During this time the issue of the ethnic background of the original Abbasids arose, as a dispute between the SDP and the National Front. The belief that the original Abbasids were Beidars is generally accepted among Abbasidi politicians, however the NF insists that the original population originated in the east most likely the ancestors of the Bakri people, due to their lighter skin, and architectural styles. Constantin Daviau specifically points to the Bakri population, which bears great resemblance to the Levantines with their skin color, but have completely different language. Bakri religious beliefs (Yazidism), and their language has no connection to Beidar or Etruscan, but resemble that of Delian. This view is plausible, as Bakri writing symbols are almost identical to that of the Delian language, but the distance between Delos and Abbasid makes this view harder to accept. Along with this Yazidism beliefs show the existence of 12 major deities, along with several lesser gods, which matches that of Delos. This view is rejected as anti-Beidar rhetoric, which the National Front is notorious for, but has found increased acceptance from the general Andalusian population in recent years.
Mass protests in major cities like Nasser, Taza, and Rasheed against the encroachment on their cultures by immigrants and Islam following the 2014 Deira train bombings further contributed to their rise. The Beidar-majority states such as Deira, Khalifji, and Umm-Salal have become increasingly alienated from mainstream Abbasidi politics and culture, creating what the Socialist Party called "de facto segregation". Prime Minister Mansour Reza has warned the public to no "fall under the sway of a fascist movement" which threatens to undo the delicate union between the states of Abbasid. Support for these "new right" parties is strongest among the Pied-noir and Levantine population, which make up about 68% of the population. King Hamdan (a ethnic Pied-noir) along with King Felix (Levantine) joined to head the "Better Together" campaign to promote unity and cooperation between the ethnic groups in the face of the 2015 Tiberian elections, which would decide the fate of Tiberias' union with Andalus and Khalifji. However, in the 2015 general elections, strong campaigns by moderate parties routed the far-right parties, affirmed by strong Beidar backing.
The widespread fear and anger that followed the complex 2014 Deira train bombings led to a series of large anti-Islam and anti-Beidar protests spreading throughout the rest of Andalus, most notably Nasser, Tiberias, and Sousse. The close proximity of the attacks in relation to the ending on the Abbasidi election period was thought to be intentional planning, to sway the vote.
The elections heralded the landslide victory of Ahmad Ziad and his right-wing Beidar National Party, which pledged the removal of "Imperialist Tiberians from Abbasid forever", much to the dismay of the rest of Andalusia. The sabre-rattling of Ziad and his party unnerved the ruling Andalusian Socialist Party, and caused a spike in xenophobic attacks in Tiberias. Over 200,000 Tiberians marched in the March against Islam, led by the right-wing organization Tiberians against the Islamization of Andalusia (TCIA), sparking several branches in other Andalusian cities.
In response, thousands of Beidars living in the affected states turned out in counter protests, against the rising xenophobia in Andalusian society and politics, and the seemingly apathy of the government towards these issues. The two sides clashed in the streets of major cities for 3 days in what became known as the Days of Broken Glass, before a state of emergency was declared by Prime Minister Reza. A day later the Andalusian Parliament passed a bill that indefinitely stripped the government of Abbasid of its ₡126 billion in federal aid that it recieved from the central government, and halted federal funding for several essential Abbasidi projects. The move, which was intended to force Ziad and his party to back down and return to the negotiating table, only emboldened him and his approval rating skyrocketed among Andalusian Beidars.
Ziad declared the 1983 Acts of the Union "null and void" on New Years Day in 2015, alleging "the rights of Beidars throughout Andalusia have been violated repeatedly for centuries. No longer shall we be humiliated." In response, Prime Minsiter Reza initiated the impeachment process to remove Ziad from power, and the Socialist Party along with the Green Party filed a lawsuit with the Supreme Court of Andalus against Ziad and the BNP, on accounts of racism, treason, and inciting violence. Protests against the Prime Minister exploded in numbers, and his approval rating fell across Andalusia, with the Socialist Party's popularity halved in Abbasid, tumbled 25% in Sousse, and 13% in Tiberias. Over one million Beidars marched in Deira against Reza and his party, and an addition 3 million marched in cities across Andalusia. On 13 March 2015, Reza announced his retiring from politics, and the merging of the Socialist Party and the Green Party into The Left, to bolster their position in the face of uncertainty in the approaching 2015 election.
The 2015 elections resulted in a suprise victory for The Left, which adopted a conciliatory position towards Beidars, and announced its intentions to introduce legislation aimed at mending the damaged links between Tiberias and Abbasid, but has maintained the animostiy between itself and the Beidar National Party, and has silently backed the Supreme Court case against Ziad.
Economy and Infrastructure
A member of the Group of 8 leading industrialised countries, as of 2014, it is ranked as the world's third largest and Columbia's largest economy by purchasing power parity. With 31 of the 500 biggest companies in the world in 2015, Andalus ranks fourth in the Fortune Global 500, ahead of Brunswick and Etrusque. Andalus joined 11 other Columbian countries to launch the colo in 1999, with colo coins and banknotes completely replacing the Andalusian franc (DR) in 2002.
Andalus is ranked relatively high in HDI based on its economy and regulatory environment, earning .933, placing seventh out of all countries listed. GDP growth rate for 2015 was 7.0%. The national debt as of June 2009 was $108 billion. In 2015, its GDP, as measured by purchasing power parity, stood at $4.792 trillion.
Petroleum and natural gas exports play an important role in the economy, especially in the United Andalusian Emirates. More than 45% of Andalus' economy was based on the exports of natural resources in 1974. Andalus has since then reduced its dependency on oil exports, by expanding the tourism, finance, and construction sectors. As a mainstay to the economy, oil exports now account for about 6 percent of Andalus' total gross domestic product. In addition to being an important supplier of energy, Andalus is now becoming an increasingly relevant consumer of energy. The Kingdom has continued its long tradition of responsible energy stewardship as it develops and diversifies its economy, accelerating the development of additional hydrocarbon reserves and contributes to the development and implementation of alternative energy sources.
Andalus' economy, particularly that of Tiberias, was badly damaged by the Andalusian Financial Crisis of 2009–2011, caused by the Global economic slowdown. In 2009, the country's economy shrank by five percent and the property sector and construction went into decline. However, tourism, trade and the retail sector have remained buoyant and the economy has begun to recover with the help of its oversees investments. It is estimated that at least ₡560 billion worth of construction projects are currently ongoing within Andalus. Almost 45% of these projects are being built in Deira, and its surronding areas. The Andalusian Construction boom of the 1990s, and subsequently the 2000s has left Andalus with several mega projects, such as the Kingdom City project of Jidda, attracting billions of dollars in foreign investments to the city.
Andalus is the largest trading nation in Columbia, and the third largest in East Althena (after Peilan and Okaiken). Its foreign trade balance for goods has been in surplus since 1975, reaching ε65.4 billion in 2015; mostly due to Andalus's diversification from oil exports. Total trade for 2015 amounted to ε2.95 trillion, or 55% of GDP—imports plus exports of goods and services. Trade with Columbian countries amounts for 44% while trade with East Althena totals 37%.
Andalus's main export markets are Etrusque (15.32 percent), Brunswick (12.85 percent), Kwagnju (8.70 percent), Okaiken (7.96 percent), and Arriola (5.12 percent). Exports include foodstuffs, wine, fossil fuels, heavy machinery, aircraft, and cars. Exports per capita is estimated at ε21,395 in 2016 enienos, ranked tenth in the world.
Andalus's main import partners are Arriola (10.77 percent), Peilan (8.11 percent), Etrusque (6.89 percent) and Kwangju (6.23 percent). Major imports include metals (especially rare metals), textiles, agricultural products, and chemicals. Andalus has been reluctant to pursue closer trade ties with East Althena due to fears of Andalusian markets becoming filled with cheaper products from countries like Peilan and Kwangju, and thus has blocked several attempts to pass an East Althenian FTA.
Economic history and growth
Following the establishment of Andalus, it was an economy based on subsistence agriculture by a population that was largely nomadic until the discovery of oil in the 1940s. The first oil exports began in the 1960s, but it was not until the 1973 oil crisis that the country saw rapid growth. Tiberian led reforms in the 1950s and 1960s helped to raise the country out of it's postwar recession. Andalus had a GDP per capita of ε451 in 1971, compared to ε37,911 in 2013. Annual imports grew 44% on average during the 1960s, but shrunk during the early 1970s from war and instability. Andalus's economy was substantially devastated by fallout from the Andalusian Civil War and the Rashaya Crisis. In 1973 President Faisal launched the "Glorious Revolution" an attempt by the ruling Socialist Party to transition Andalus and its neighbors from their impoverished agrarian economies into one pan-Andalusian society through rapid industrialization. The Glorious Revolution proved to be a major success, attracting hundreds of billions of dollars in investment, propelling Andalusian wealth and standard of living to those of a developed nation. Aided by rising oil prices, Andalus engaged in large political and social reforms in 1980, drawing Andalus closer to western nations in the international community. From 1972 until late 1980 Andalus was a government dominated planned economy, led by President Faisal.
Following Faisal's death in 1981, the exiled royal family returned to Andalus, and successfully lobbied for the restoration of the country's confederal monarchy in the 1982 Andalusian referendum with a slight majority (50.3% Yes, 49.7% No). Andalus' economy underwent rapid liberalization during the late 1980s, attracting foreign investors and companies to Andalus' vastly untapped oil fields. High corporate taxes permitted a rapid growth of Andalus' housing market, and high investment in other sectors of the Andalusian economy. Generous government stimulus packages further encouraged the diversification of Andalus' economy from its oil industry, leading Andalus to overtake Okaiken as the world's fourth largest economy by 1998.
Economic reforms largely benefited the more developed regions of Abbasid, Ras al-Ziad, and Umm-Salal, which experienced growth rates upwards of 50% in less than five years. The populations of Deira and Duis more than quadrupled, from both immigration and government sponsored programs to raise the Andalusian birthrate above 2.5 children per woman. The number of foreign workers in Andalus grew by over 220% between 1990 and 2010.
Andalusi has a broad-reaching welfare system, which ensures that all Andalusians receive tax-funded health care. Expenses to medicine is fully funded, and some non-vital medical treatments are partially funded. Andalus has a countrywide, but municipal administered social support system against poverty, ensuring that qualified citizens have minimum income of living. All Andalusian citizens above 18 years of age can apply for some financial support, if they cannot sustain themselves or their family. Approval is almost automatic, and this system has been extensively developed over the last ten years. For those that are severely sick, they will receive some financial support throughout the extent of their illness and not just for the maximum of 1 year as previously. Their ability to work are usually re-evaluated by the municipality after 12 months of illness. Andalus has some of the highest pensions in Columbia. The lowest-income group before retirement from the age of 65 receive 120% of their pre-retirement income in pension and miscellaneous subsidies, and this .
The worlds largest public sector (30% of the entire workforce on a full-time basis) is financed by some of the world's highest taxes. A value added tax of 25% is levied on the sale of most goods and services (including groceries). Income tax in Anndalus ranges from 33% to 65% progressively, levied on 4 out of 10 full-time employees. These high rates have steadily decreased and have been supplemented with increased oil revenue. The public sector as a whole had a budget surplus of 4.4% of GDP in 2007, but the tax cuts would increase private consumption and the labor shortage, thus, resulting in a deficit on the trade balance and pressure to increase wages even further. Lower and middle income brackets were abolished with the election of the La Gauche party in the 2015 elections, and the lost income was replaced with 33% company tax.
Andalus was visited by 64.7 million foreign tourists in 2013, making it one of the most popular tourist destination in the world. It is third in income from tourism due to briefer visits. It is noted that tourists in Andalus spend almost 20% less than they would in other countries in Columbia, most notably Etrusque. In 2014, travel and tourism directly contributed 277.7 billion to Andalus' GDP, 30% of which comes from international visitors and 70% from domestic tourism spending. The total contribution of travel and tourism represents 12.7% of GDP and supports 7.9 million jobs (10.9% of employment) in the country.
It is estimated that 90% of tourists come to Andalus to visit Sousse, Tiberias, Nasser, or Deira. As of 2015, Tiberias has 41 World Heritage sites, compared to 31 for Abbasid, 7 for Nasser, and 13 for Sousse. Of these, the most famous is the Masjid al-Haram, located in Abbasid.
In response to the high number of tourists, Andalusian cities have seen an explosion in the number of hotels, with Deira itself boasting 1,206 hotels, for a total of 142,291 hotel rooms. In 2012, Deira recorded an 81% occupancy rate for hotels, with around $1.9 billion in revenues.
In 2010, Andalus was the world's seventh-largest consumer of energy, and 98% of its primary energy was domestically produced. In 2014, energy sources were: oil (17.0%); natural gas (13.8%); nuclear (28.1%); hydro-electric and renewable sources (41.1%). The government and the nuclear power industry agreed to phase out all nuclear power plants by 2021. It also enforces energy conservation, green technologies, emission reduction activities, and aims to meet the country's electricity demands using 90% renewable sources by 2020. Abbasid is committed to the Mito Protocol and several other treaties promoting biodiversity, low emission standards, water management, recycling, and the renewable energy commercialization.
Andalus currently has the largest number of active cellphones in the Beidar region, with approximately 97% of its population (71,000,000) possessing one or more cellphones. It also has the region's largest number of internet and broadband users, with over 71,000,000 million internet users as of 2015, equivalent to around 97% of its population. Communications are handled by the state owned Andalusian Telecommunications (ATLU), but there are several smaller privately owned companies. Andalusian is a member of the Columbian Broadcasting Union, an alliance of public media entities.
Andalus was the first country to establish the use of the municipal wireless networks, or Mi-Fi. In 2009 the Andalusian Parliament passed the Wifi For All Act, to bring free wifi access to all Andalusian citizens, thus making it a universal service. The costs of the service are paid entirely by the government of Andalusian.
Transportation has rapidly improved in Andalus since the oil era, with the government spending billions on upgrading highways, and the construction of airports. While air is the easiest way to travel around Andalus, most travelers choose to either take a train, or drive through Andalus. The massive increases in foreign expatriates moving into the country caused a transportation nightmare in cities such as Deira, Duis, and Saadiyat, causing widespread air and water pollution.
Rail travel has become increasingly attractive option for commuters, in part due to government subsidies and increasing gas prices. Car ownership has shown a rapid decline in recent years, and it is has become very practical and convient to live in any large Andalusian city or metropolitan area without owning a car. Even medium-sized cities have good public transportation networks that use buses, trams, and urban/suburban rail lines to move people around.
Roads and Highways
The government of Abbasid encourages road transport, as Abbasid has maintained the lowest gas prices on Civiltas, at $0.48 per gallon. Roads in Abbasid vary from eight laned roads to small two laned roads in rural areas. The city highways and other major highways are well maintained, specially the roads in major cities such as Rasheed and Deira. The roads have been constructed to resist the consistently high temperatures and do not reflect the strong sunshine. The outer city highways such as those linking from coast to coast have recently undergone massive expansion to allow quicker and easier transportation through the Kingdom.
Duis became the first city in Andalusian to begin installing solar roads with the aim of finding alternate ways to generate renewable energy in the face of increasing overcrowding. In newer Andalusian neighborhoods there has been a rise in opposition to the existing road networks. In response, city planners have turned to new pedestrianism, rejecting the need for cars and encouraging the use of cycling to move around.
Most of the world’s leading airlines fly into the Abbasid’s nine international airports, but most passengers fly into Deira International Airport (DXB). Other international airports are located at Duis, Jidda, Littio, Nasser, and Rasheed. The national airlines ARA and Royal Abbasidi operate international flights to and from all of Andalus's major airports. Andalus has begun to invest heavily in developing the reach of its airline, and has merged with Air Etrusque, to form the Air Etrusque-ARA Group. As of 2012, Deira's International Airport has been the busiest airport in the world.
The Deira International Airport is a hub for Royal Abbasidi and ARA and has a large duty-free shopping centre. The airport has won numerous awards for its excellence in design and services, and is currently undergoing expansion. The new terminal is dedicated to Royal Abbasidi Airlines and fully supports the new Airbus A380. The completion of this terminal doubled the capacity of the airport.
A new concourse, catering to the A380, was completed in late 2012. Al Suqeim International Airport has allowed the construction a new free trade area within Deira and will be the centerpiece of the Deira World Central aerotropolis. The airport was announced in 2008 and construction began in March 2009, with the last expansion due to be complete by mid-2017. Although initially intended as a predominantly cargo airport, plans are being drawn up for the new airport to handle some 120 million passengers per annum within 20 years of its completion.
High speed rail
High-speed rail service in Andalus was first introduced on September 21, 1981, with the completion of the Duis-Alcazar-Saadiyat Line. Increased population along with rapid economic growth prompted the Andalusian Government to form the High Speed Rail Commision, to help manage the country's high-speed rail network. Daily ridership has grown from 352,000 in 2005 to 1.18 million in 2010, making the Andalusian high-speed rail network one of the most heavily used in the world. Andalus's high-speed rail network consists of upgraded conventional railways, newly built high-speed passenger designated lines (PDLs), and one of the world's first high-speed commercial magnetic levitation (maglev) line. Nearly all high-speed rail lines and rolling stock are owned and operated by the Andalus High Speed Rail Commission, the national high speed rail operator under the SNCA (National Society of Andalusian railways). The Deira Maglev Train is also owned and operated by the government of the United Andalusian Emirates.
Andalus's high speed rail system's growth exploded in the beginning of the 21st century, through generous funding through the government's economic stimulus packages between 2005 and 2010. In 2011, the Andalusian HSR system was fully integrated into that mainland Columbia, forming the Pan-Columbian Railway. A further 2,000 km of high-speed rail is planned, to link Apomo, Eilat, and Andalus with the East Althenian network.
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The culture of Andalus is characterized by its "overly libertine" and decadent nature. The emergance of this new Andalusian identity can be traced back to the counterculture movements of the 60's and 70's which heraled great political and economic changes in Andalus. These changes are collectively known as "La Scène Andalouse" (The Andalusian Scene), and still greatly affect Andalusian culture. It was characterized by freedom of expression, transgression of the taboos imposed by the religious institutions use of recreational drugs, and a new spirit of freedom on the streets.
Andalusian's culture revolves around Etruscan, and Khaleeji (Beidar: خليجي) tradition, as both are very prominent in Andalus' music, architecture, attire, cuisine, and lifestyle. However, as Andalus continues its modernization it has gained a diverse, multi-cultural society, and is experiencing a rapidly growing foreign population. In Beidar Andalus, the weekend begins on Friday, as Friday is the holiest day for Muslims, or sometimes, Thursday-Friday, or Friday-Sunday. Abbasid, like its other Beidar neighbors, takes great pride in its hospitality. Guests in people's homes are treated with great warmth and respect, as hosts exhibit their polished manners and expect the same treatment back. Since its inception, Andalus had become a largely cosmopolitan nation, hosting people from a variety of places. The country is extremely tolerant towards other religions; this can be seen through the presence of Christian churches and Jewish synagogues and others that are spread across the country.
With its unique development Andalus is generally considered to be much more liberal than its neighbors, and native Andalusian are tolerant towards religious and other ideological differences. The majority of Andalus shows little to no interest in religion, so it has little influence on Andalusian culture. According to the government (2012), only 3% of Andalusians consider religion as one of their three most important values.
Nationalism and regionalism
A strong sense of national identity exists in many autonomous communities. These communities—even those that least identify themselves as Andalusian—have contributed greatly to many aspects of mainstream Andalusian culture. Most notably, Tiberias and Abbasid have widespread nationalist sentiment. Many Tiberian and Abbasidi nationalists demand statehood for their respective territories. The Abbasidi aspirations to statehood have been a cause of violence (notably by ALA), although most Abbasidi nationalists (like virtually all Andalusian nationalists) currently seek to fulfill their aspirations peacefully.
There are also several communities where there is a mild sense of national identity (but a great sense of regional identity): Deira, Nasser, Littio (linked to Tiberias culture; (the last two feeling attached to Columbian culture in different ways) each have their own version of nationalism, but generally with a smaller percentage of nationalists than in Tiberias and Abbasid.
Andalus has a long history of tension between centralism and nationalism. The current organisation of the state into autonomous states (similar to a federal organisation) under the 1983 Acts of the Union are intended as a way to incorporate these communities into the state.
Music is pervasive in Andalusian society. While traditional folk music remains popular in Andalus, modern music reconciling Western and traditional Beidar styles, pop, and fusion are rapidly advancing in popularity. The merging of Beidar and Levantine/Etruscan styles has resulted in the emergence of a new "Andalusian" style. Radio stations feature a variety of music, including traditional Andalusian, classical Beidar, modern Andalusian and Etruscan, and Trentannian tunes.
According to the World Intellectual Property Organization, Andalus' music is one of the most popular in the world. Andalusian performers are celebrated throughout Andalusia, Columbia, and Althena. Increasing demand for Etruscan and Beidar music around the world has given Andalusian music a significant boost, and has been labelled as the cultural "Andalusian wave".
The origins of Andalusian art were very much influenced by Etruscan art and by Beidar art at the time of the Renaissance. Many people traveled to Etrusque to witness the newly found interest in art for themselves. When they returned, they brought back new artistic ideas and beliefs. Over the course of Etrusque's colonization of Andalus, the appearance of religious art gradually vanished, to be replaced by Romanesque art. Taza became the center of the region's artistic creativity, and went on to become the source of Andalus' romanticist art.
The turn of the century and the mass innovations of the Industrial era brought realism to Andalus's art for the first time. With the social classes starting to mix for the first time, and the rise of radical groups led to the re-awakening of religious art. This was most prevalent in the Bakri community, with the painting "Girl with a pomegranate", depicting a young girl in traditional clothes holding a pomegranate, a symbol of impending death in Bakri religious texts. Islamic art reemerged for the first time in nearly 100 years, spurred by Etrusque's loosening control over it's colonies. Architecture and art became closely intertwined during this time, with the construction of the Palace of Clemens during this time.
Football has long been the most popular sport in Andalus, exisiting in several different forms since ancient times. As of 2016, there are 3,389,178 registered players playing in football leagues. The Royal Andalusian Football Association has over 25,000 teams. Andalusian football clubs such as Lorient FC and al-Deirai are the most popular teams and enjoy the reputation as two of the most successful clubs in the world. These clubs play in the Ligue 1 division. The Royal Andalusian Football Association was first established in 1955 and since then has dedicated its time and effort to promoting the game, organizing youth programs and improving the abilities of not only its players, but of the officials and coaches involved with its regional teams.
The most popular sporting event in Andalus is the National Games of Andalus, also known as the Andalusian Games, which are held every two years, which features a team from each of Abbasid's seven emirates competing against each other to win the most metals. The event was last hosted by Nasser in 2014, and is due to be hosted by Duis in 2016. The Kingdom has won the Andalusian Cup Championship five times, first cup in January 1979 held in Manama, and has won the recent cup in January 2013 held in Deira.
Andalus has become an increasingly large figure on the stage for international sporting events, and has played host to the Adonian games on three occasions: in 1964, 1982, and in 2002. It has also hosted the World Cup twice, in 1971, and 2013. The city of Littio hosted the inaugural 2016 Columbian Games.
Basketball, tennis, cycling, handball, futsal, motorcycling and, lately, Formula One are also important due to the presence of Andalusian champions in all these disciplines. Today, Andalus is a major world sports powerhouse, especially since the 1982 Summer Adonian Games that were hosted in Rasheed, which stimulated a great deal of interest in sports in the country. The tourism industry has led to an improvement in sports infrastructure, especially for water sports, golf and skiing
Due to harsh desert conditions, the traditional food of Beidar Abbasid uses a lot of meat, grain, and dairy. Vegetables are easy to grow in some areas, and are strongly featured in the diet. Traditional dishes include Ma'louba, Margooga, Harees, Machbous, Frsee'ah, Fireed, Jisheid, and Mishwy. Meats traditionally used were chicken or small fowl, such as Houbara bustards, and goats. Camels are highly prized in Abbasid, so eating camel meat is reserved for special occasions.
However in Northern Andalus (Tiberias, Sousse, and Nasser, collectively the Levantine region) the cuisine differs greatly. The cuisine of this region is the result of the warm, dry coastal climate; the rugged landscape, good for grazing sheep and goats but, outside of the mountain valleys, with poor soil for large-scale agriculture; and the abundant seafood on the coast. The basic ingredients are olives and olive oil; garlic; sardines, rockfish, sea urchins and octopus; lamb and goat; chickpeas; local fruits, such as grapes, peaches, apricots, strawberries, cherries, and melons. The fish frequently found on menus in this region are the rouget, a small red fish usually eaten grilled, and the loup, often grilled with fennel over the wood of grapevines.
Seafood has been the mainstay of the Andalusian diet for centuries. The Abbasidi cuisine is a reflection of it's Beidar heritage and vast exposure to civilizations over time. Abbasid is the only region with a significant Beidar population to allow the consumption of pork. Meat, fish, and rice are the staple foods of the Abbasidi cuisine, while lamb and mutton are the more favored meats, then goat and beef. Popular beverages are coffee and tea, which can be supplemented with cardamom, saffron, or mint to give it a distinct flavor.
Essential to any cooking in the Andalusian Peninsula is the concept of hospitality and generosity. Meals are generally large family affairs, with much sharing and a great deal of warmth over the dinner table. Formal dinners and celebrations generally involve large quantities of lamb, and every occasion entails large quantities of traditional Andalusian coffee. In an average Andalusian state household, a visitor might expect a dinner consisting of a very large platter, shared commonly, with a vast amount of rice, incorporating lamb or chicken, or both, as separate dishes, with various stewed vegetables, heavily spiced, sometimes with a tomato-based sauce. Most likely there would be several other less hearty items on the side. Tea would certainly accompany the meal, as it is almost constantly consumed. Coffee would be included as well.
Abbasidi people and Dress
The Abbasidi people are the native people that dominated the land for centuries. However Beidar descendants of the Bani Yousef clans, Al Rashid and Al Suqeim royal families in Rasheed and Deira, respectively, along with the descendants of the Bakri represent the leadership of Abbasidi. Most Abbasidi are ethnic Beidars who originated from what is now Tiberias, and fled southwards due to Columbian enroachment. Due to the large growth of Abbasid's economy, many expatriates from abroad have migrated to Abbasid, and now threaten to overtake native Abbasidi as the largest ethnic group in the country. Official estimates indicate that expatriates will overtake Abbasidi as early as 2016. As of 2014, 53.3% of Abbasid's population were native Abbasidi.
The population as a whole is estimated by the international community at 11 million people, with 50-54% of these being citizens. The population growth rate is 3.1% per year. The primary religion in Abbasid is Islam, with the population estimated to be 70% Muslim. Hinduism and Christianity are minorities as stated by the USN. The official language is Beidar. Other languages such as Avelian, and Etruscan are spoken among the different peoples. Abbasid is estimated to have an average life expectancy of seventy-six years, the second highest in the Beidar World, but lower than the Andalusian average of 80 years old.
Many of the older Abbasidi men prefer wearing the traditional Abbasidi clothes, such as the kandoora, an ankle-length white shirt woven from wool or cotton while many local women wear an abaya, a black over-garment covering most parts of the body. On an average a Abbasidi male nationals usually have up to 50 kanduras as they keep changing their clothing to ensure the dress being kept clean. This attire is particularly well-suited for Abbasid's hot and dry climate. Demand for Western-style clothing has exploded in the last few years, especially among the Abbasidi youth.
However, Abbasid has no official dress code, as Abbasid is a secular state. Both men and women are free to where what they desire, regardless of religion, sex, or social status. Abbasid has no laws banning the wearing of hijabs, or headdresses in public institutions, nor any other religious symbols, as it hinders the freedom of religion. However, private institutions have the right to decide what is acceptable attire, and what is not.
Tiberias, Sousse, and Nasser have a culture that is distinct from the rest of Andalusia, and is commonly seen as more closely related to Etrusque, rather to Andalusia itself. Hence, these areas are collectively known as "New Etrusque" or Nouveau Etrusque. This region, and in particular Tiberias, has played an important role as a center of high culture since the 17th century, first in Andalusia, and from the 19th century on, worldwide. From the late 19th century, Tiberias has also played an important role in cinema, fashion and cuisine, mostly thanks to a highly educated populace. The importance of Neo-Etruscan culture has waxed and waned over the centuries, depending on its economic, political and military importance, but today this culture is marked both by great regional and socioeconomic differences and by strong unifying tendencies.
Tiberias emerged as one of the world's most influential states during the years of the Tiberian Empire, spreading its culture around the world, most notably in Vespucia. Today, Tiberias continues this role as the primary center of Andalusian culture, but is increasingly rivaled by the re-emergence of a multicultural Abbasid.
During the 1980s, the New Etrusque region became romanticized as the primary place to "make it" in the world, in what became known as the "Andalusian Dream", and was propelled by the rapid pace of industrialization and gentrification that was sweeping Andalusia. Immigration and urbanization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have also created new socioeconomic regional communities in New Etrusque, both urban (like Duis, Nasser, Port Said, and Littio, etc.) and the suburban and working class hinterlands (like Taza) of urban agglomerations (called variously banlieues ("suburbs", sometimes qualified as "chic" or "pauvres" or les cités "housing projects") which have developed their own "sense of place" and local culture (much like the various boroughs of San Sebastian or suburbs of Calabzsas), as well as cultural identity.
Duis and Nasser have traditionally been associated with alternative, artistic or intellectual subcultures, many of which involved foreigners. Such subcultures include the "Vandalists" of the mid-nineteenth century, the Impressionists, artistic circles of the Belle époque (around such artists as Picasso), Surrealists, the and Post-War intellectuals. These cities have produced more artists in that last 100 years than all other cities in Andalusia combined.
Tiberias has an estimated 2.2 to 3.0 million Gens du voyage ("travellers"), who stay in the country to witness the unique culture, and learn local styles and traditions, . These groups have become so large and influential that they have since then gained their own specific papers of passage into the country.
There are highly visible gay and lesbian communities in the cities of this region, particularly in the Duisburg metropolitan area (such as in Le Marais district of the capital). As of 2001, 65% of Andalusians living in New Etrusque consider homosexuality "an acceptable lifestyle." The past mayor of Taza, Louise Parridge, is gay. In 2006, surveys shows that 72% support same-sex marriage, while 17% were opposed. 11% believed gay and lesbian couples should not have parenting rights, while 75% believe same-sex couples should be able to adopt.
Media and Television
Andalus's media is considered free, with the freedom of expression and speech laid out in its constitution. Addiyar is a main television network headquartered in Deira, Andalus. Addiyar initially launched in 1996 as an Beidar news and current affairs satellite TV channel of the same name, but has since expanded into a network of several specialty TV channels. There are several independent newspapers, radio stations, and other media outlets in Andalus. The Tiberian media outlet The National launched in 1969, and has operated independently of the Tiberian and National government since its creation.
Print media is going through expansion, with over three Avelian dailies and Bakri titles. Arena Today is the only monthly business magazine in the country. It is published by Tariq Advertising, which is the largest magazine publisher in Andalus. The group also publishes several titles such as Abbasid Al Fahed, the only monthly business magazine in Andalus in Beidar. In more recent times, with the advent of Social Media, online news portals such as Khaleeji Times and Duis Chronicle have gained popularity among the public in Andalus. The latter of which has been particularly noted for their bold articles that are often not in line with the publicly accepted propaganda. With the completion of the Deira Media City, a free zone intended to attract media, service providers and businesses, as well as publishers, broadcasters, music companies, and production firms, Abbasid's media censorship laws have come under criticism. In addition to tax benefits, companies locating there have been guaranteed that the government will not censor their news and information content, provided certain relatively liberal guidelines of taste and propriety are met.
In 2012, the Andalus was home to 91 free-to-air channels, falling slightly behind its SAR, Nasser, in total number of channels within the Andalusian region. Andalus also had 21 terrestrial channels, of which 8 are are state-owned. Television in Andalus is mainly received through free satellite, while analog terrestrial represents 41% of total viewers. The average resident in Andalus watches a total of 4 hours of television per day. Since Andalus launched its first broadcasts in the 1950s, state-run channels have held a monopoly on terrestrial broadcast, and the Ministry of Information strictly banned foreign television, and controlled all but one of Abbasid's terrestrial channels. However this laws have been repealed.
Article 15 of Andalus' constitution states: "secularism, social equality, equality before law shall be upheld", effectively banning the establishment of an official religion. The population is 30.1% Atheist/Agnostic, constituting the largest religious group in Andalus. The remainder of the population is Muslim (21.1%) although it falls further when the non-citizen population is included. Christians make up 24.3% of the population, followed by those who identify as other (4.5%) such as Yazidism (mainly Bakri), or folk religions, the largest of which is Andalazism (20.0%). Current census data doesn't differentiate between the other religions in Andalus, due to the sensitivity of the topic. Most Muslims in Andalus belong to the Sunni branch of Islam. There are no official figures, but the Sunni constitute 57% of the Andalusian Muslim population. A majority of Christians in Andalus are Catholic (52%), which the remainder are either Maronite, Sukoyrian Orthodox or Protestant.
Abbasid is home to the two holiest cities on Civilatas, Aminah and Ayjad. Since gaining independence in 1933, the government of Abbasid has permitted its residents to worship their religion freely, but did not lift bans on the public display of minority religious symbols. However, the recently ratified constitution of Abbasid prohibits discrimination based on religious affiliation, rendering these bans inapplicable. Mass protests have occurred throughout Andalus against increased Muslim immigration to the Levantine region from other states, due to Andalus holding sovereignty of the two holy cities. The rise of far-right groups have sought to eliminate this immigration, and the National Front along with the People's Party have called for closure of those Islamic sights, and have intended to do so if they win the next national elections.
Polls taken in 2013 show that, of Andalus' population, 64% of those stated that religion played no role in their daily lives at all, 22% said religion played a minor role in their lives, while only 6% stated that religion played an important role in their lives. The remainder either declined to answer, or were unsure. This shows a major change in the Andalusian population, with a sharp decrease of those who held religion to a higher priority in their lives.
The issue of dress code based on religion has become a large issue in Beidar Abbasid. Religious items such as veils are explicitly banned in Tiberias, Nasser, and Sousse, which has caused discontent among their Muslim populations. Deira, Saadiyat, and Ayjad have no restrictions on religious items, leaving the choice up to each individual. The remainder of Andalus, has restrictions on the wearing of religious clothing, and has sometimes discouraged the wearing of religious clothing. The Supreme Court of Andalus has refused all pleas to address this issue in fear of inciting unrest.
Andalusian architecture once revolved around traditional Islamic designs, but gradually declined during the Christian Reconquest. However, since the Unification of Andalus, the presence of Islamic architecture has rapidly begun to fall, being replaced with more modern, predominately glass, structures. This can be seen in Deira, where almost 75% of all of the city's Islamic architecture has been torn down to make room for larger, contemporary buildings.
With government efforts, Andalus has seen a blend of Islamic and Etruscan architecture to reflect it's blended culture (pictured). Tiberias has a distinct style, a combination of several Columbian styles, as a result of the high levels of immigration. One of the few remaining landmarks of Deira is the Palace of the founder of the city, Sheikh Emadi al-Suqeim. This is also true in Ramadaõ, which reflects the culture of it's original colonial state.
Andalus has two different days to celebrate as "National Day". In Abbasid, National Day is celebrated on 2 December each year in the Kingdom of Abbasid for two days or more (mostly on the 2nd and 3rd). It marks Abbasid's independence from Etrusque, and the signing of the Abbasidi constitution. During its National Day, Abbasid is one of the rare places that one can witness the harmonious existence of tradition and modernity together.
In the rest of Andalus, National Day is celebrated on September 21st, to commemorate the unification of Andalus under the Andalusian Confederation. The day is celebrated with the Duis Military Parade, along with mass naval and air force exercises, along with firework displays over major cities.
Schools in the Abbasid celebrate National Day by holding national events and celebrations where kids will dress up in the Cultural "thoub and "kandoora" and perform traditional and other folkloric dances and organize cultural contests. In Rasheed, the country's capital, celebrations are held in the city centre, Tahrir Square, in which people arrive in decorated cars marking the history of the nation. Shops are also selling house decorations such as flags, to help show the people's spirit across the country. Scarfs decorated with the flag of Abbasid, and pictures of the past leaders of the Kingdom are massed produced for National Day Celebrations.
Andalus is mainly situated on the island of Andalusia, which is considered part of East Althena, but it maintains control over the southern portion of the Donan Peninsula, in Columbia. The island of Andalusia borders the Beidar Gulf to the South, the Sea of Andalusia to the North, and the and several minor passages to the West. Its extensive coastlines on these bodies of water provide great leverage on shipping (especially crude oil) through the Amaar Passage. The kingdom occupies 80% of the island of Andalusia, which in turn makes up about 91% of Andalus' total territory.
Andalus' geography is extremely diverse, ranging from harsh deserts in the south, to the snow capped mountains in the North. Southern Andlaus is dominated by the Rub' al Khali Desert and associated semi-desert and shrubland. It is, in fact, a number of linked deserts and includes the 647,500 km2 Rub' al Khali ("Empty Quarter") in the southern part of the country, the world's largest contiguous sand desert. The few fertile areas are to be found in the alluvial deposits in wadis, basins, and oases, which allow for the development of Abbasid's interior. The main topographical feature is the central plateau which rises abruptly from the Beidar Gulf and gradually descends into the city of Rasheed and toward the Sea of Andalusia. The southeast emirate Umm-Salal is mountainous, and contains the 10,239 ft Mount Taif, which is the highest point in the country.
The fauna in southern Andalusia includes wolves, hyenas, mongooses, baboons, hares, sand rats, and jerboas. Larger animals such as gazelles, oryx, and leopards thrive northern Central Andalus, after the government ban on hunting. Birds include falcons (which are caught and trained for hunting), eagles, hawks, vultures, sand grouse and bulbuls. There are several species of snakes, many of which are venomous, and numerous types of lizards. The marine life in the Andalusian Coast is numerous, but has been endangered by rapid dredging and construction. Domesticated animals include camels, sheep, goats, donkeys, and chickens. The greenest area in Andalus is referred to as the "fertile crescent", a ring of green areas that extends from Sousse, following the River Tiber through Tiberias, which then swings down and traces the coast of Jidda down into Nasser. The high amounts of rain and the nutrients from the river has allowed for the massive growth of agriculture.
The climate of southern Andalus is arid. The hottest months are July and August, when average maximum temperatures reach above 40 °C (104.0 °F) on the coastal plain. In the Al-Yirib Mountains, temperatures are considerably cooler, a result of increased altitude. Average minimum temperatures in January and February are between 10 and 14 °C (50 and 57.2 °F). During the late summer months, a humid southeastern wind known as the sharqi makes the coastal region especially unpleasant. The average annual rainfall along Abbasid's the coastal area is fewer than 120 mm (4.7 in), but in some mountainous areas annual rainfall often reaches 350 mm (13.8 in). Rain in the coastal region falls in long, torrential bursts during the summer months, resulting in massive floods in ordinarily dry wadi beds, which helps improve farming conditions. However, the Andalusian government has since then sought to control this flooding, and has introduced massive geoengineering systems to establish sustainable green environments. The region is prone to occasional, violent dust storms, which can severely reduce visibility. In all of Abbasid's history, snowfall has only been recorded thrice.
Meanwhile, as one moves further north the climate cools considerably, due to heavy influence of the colder Northern Sea. This means the temperature is about the same most of the year. It is in the marine west coast climate region. In Southern Tiberias, the summers are usually very warm and winters are mild, thanks to the warm waters of the Amaar Passage The north has a very temperate climate similar to that of much of Northern Columbia.
Except for Andalus' east coast, which is affected by the annual monsoons (موسم "season"), the country is dominated by a temperate climate with moderate day-time temperatures and a sharp temperature drop at night. In the Ramada Islands the climate is much more tropical than the mainland. The average rainfall for the Ramada islands ranges from 2,900 mm (114 in) to 3,600 mm (142 in).
Government and Politics
|Abbasidi Royal Family|
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The Kingdom of Andalusian operates under the framework of a confederal parliamentary representative democratic constitutional monarchy, based on a power sharing agreement between three constituent Kingdoms, with King Hamdan II as the head of state, but royal power has been limited to strictly ceremonial roles. The nation's legislative body is the Andalusian Parliament, with 937 members, which chooses the Prime Minister. Parliamentary elections are held every four years, unless the parliament is dissolved earlier. The three kingdoms of Andalusian maintain their own separate government bodies, each with an elected Prime Minister. The current Prime Ministers of Andalusian are:
Rania Abdullah, Prime Minister of Sousse
Constantin Daviau, Prime Minister of Tiberias
Prime Minister of Abbasid
Monarchies of Andalus
The Rasheed Agreement in 1983 and the Acts of the Union created the confederal monarch system to satisfy the issue of ethnic tension, by delineating the borders of Modern Andalus based on ethnic groups, to solve decade long disputes between several factions. The agreement carved out the tripartite of the Kingdoms of Sousse (majority pieds noirs "black feet"), and Abbasid (majority Beidar), while significant decreasing the territory of Tiberias, establishing the United Kingdom of Andalus. However neither addressed the issue of independent Beidar sheikhdoms (which later became Andalusian emirates), creating the Federal Kingdom of Andalus. In the powersharing agreement that followed, the capital was to be located within Rasheed, which would be it's own autonomous entity, separate from the three kingdoms. However, the agreement was never implemented, so the city remained its own technically independent state. The capital was placed in Saadiyat, while the legislature was moved to Duis, in Tiberias. The agreement was revised in 1998, further decentralizing the government.
The Andalusian monarchy is actually elected, through a vote of the Federal Council (which consists of the Kings of Sousse, Abbasid, and Tiberias). However it is essentially hereditary, as the Soussean House of Rashid is seen as the preferred rulers of Andalusia in the 1983 Acts of the Union, and has never lost a vote in the Federal Council since its inception. Most recently it retained the monarchy with a 3-0-0 vote in 2013.
Special Administrative Regions
The Special Administrative Regions of Andalus or SARs (Beidar: المناطق الإدارية الخاصة الأندلس (Etruscan: Régions administratives spéciales de l'Andalousie) are territories that once belonged to one of the pre-Unification states of Andalusia, but were occupied for a prolonged period of time by a colonial power. These regions have developed cultures that are highly based on that of their colonizers, and are relatively small compared to the rest of Andalus, thus are unique to the Andalusian system of government.
As of 2016, there are three SARs in Andalus:
The Special Administrative Regions are unique to Andalusian politics, as they have no representation in the Andalusian Parliament, or the wider politics of Andalus. Instead, they maintain systems entirely independent from the rest of the country, and elect their own government and leaders, from their own political parties (which may or may not affiliate itself with a national party of similar ideologies). They all pass their own laws, but are answerable to the Federal government on certain subjects. However, Nasser is a notable exception to this rule, as it is a de facto independent state, thanks to the 2010 reforms which granted Nasser independence in all aspects of governance, but still officially part of Andalus.
In addition to the tripartite of Abbasid, Sousse, and Tiberias, the Constitution of Andalus established the United Andalusian Emirates. The six emirates were demarcated by Tiberias following its partition of the Emirate of Abbasid and subsequent annexation of the remainder of Andalusia. The current emirates are: Deira, Khalifji, Sadiyaat, Ras al-Ziad, Jidda, and Umm-Salal. Deira and Saadiyat are the most populous emirates, together containing 20% of the population of Andalusia, and 83% of the UAE. The Emirates of Andalusia are notable for their abundance of natural resources, mostly oil and natural gas. These resources were widely explored in the 1970s during the Oil crisis, which propelled their economies to previously unprecedented heights, lifting some 13 million people out of poverty.
The Emirates are governed by the 120 member Federal Supreme Council. Although elected by the Supreme Council, the king is essentially hereditary, as the sheikh of Deira holds the position as Emir. The recently revised constitution of the Andalus established the positions of Emir (chief of state) and the Prime Minister, who is elected by the party which controls the Federal Supreme Council, and serves as the head of government. The UAE's judiciary branch is led by the Emirati Supreme Court, which wields the power to overrule all decisions by the Federal Supreme Council. The current prime minister is the former leader of Abbasid's 2014 Opposition bloc, Beyamin Amjad.
Under federal authority, responsibilities include foreign affairs, security and defence, nationality and immigration issues, education, public health, currency, postal, telephone and other communications services, air traffic control, licensing of aircraft, labour relations, banking, delimitation of territorial waters and extradition of criminals. Issues excluded from Articles 120 and 121 of the Constitution are to be under the jurisdiction of respective Emirates and are reaffirmed by Article 116 which states that: ‘the Emirates shall exercise all powers not assigned to the National Parliament by this Constitution’. This is further reiterated by Article 122, which stated that ‘the Emirates shall have jurisdiction in all matters not assigned to the exclusive jurisdiction of the Andalusian Parliament, in accordance with the provision of the preceding two Articles’.
Political parties and elections
Andalusian politics have largely been dominated by the now defunct left-wing Socialist Party which has held power for 90% of Andalus' contemporary history. However, social and economic upheaval inspired by the earlier Andalusian Spring and Nuit debout has led to the rise of several insurgent anti-establishment parties, most notably The Left party, which currently holds power. Despite these new parties, Andalusian national politics continue to be dominated by the left-wing.
The current election threshold in Andalus is 2%, which allows many parties have the ability to gain entry into the Andalusian Parliament, however the large number of parties has made it increasingly difficult for minor parties to gain representation in the government.
Current parties in Andalus include:
- Union for Democracy (centre-left)
- People's Party (far-right)
- The Left (far-left)
- Liberal Democrats (Andalus) (centre)
- Freedom and Justice Party (centre-right)
- Alternate for Andalusia (right)
Citizens vote for the three levels of administrative division on the federal level of Andalus: the 937-member Parliament, the 12 regional governorships, and the 7,283 municipal assemblies. Along with this, citizens vote for the same institutions of their respective countries/emirates (Tiberias, Sousse, Abbasid, and the United Andalusian Emirates). All three levels use the same voting system of proportional representation, but the legislatures are the only institutions where earlier elections can be called.
Andalus' foreign relations are handled by the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs, which has it's headquarters in Duis. The first diplomatic relations were established on 1 September 1949, with the Taza Conference resulting in official diplomatic recognition of Andalus. As of 1 May 2016, there are 213 diplomatic missions in Andalus (trade/cultural offices, consulates, and embassies), while Andalus has 207 missions abroad.
Internationally, Andalus is seen as the "world's most networked state" because it is a member of more multi-lateral international institutions than any other country in the world, and maintains a diplomatic presence in virtually every country on every inhabited continent.
As of 1 January 2016, Andalus hosts the largest assembly of diplomatic missions in the world, and serves as a hub for international relations, serving as the headquarters for countless international organizations, including the Adonian Community Office at Taza, the Columbian Parliament, L'Etrusque, the Organization of Althenian Cooperation, and the International Trade Commission.
Andalus maintains friendly relations with most nations on Adonia, and has long maintained a close relationship with more democratic states. Since its independence, Andalus has maintained a balanced foreign policy based on adoption of dialogue, respect of international conventions, and non-interference of other country's internal affairs. Andalus also supports the settlement of disputes by peaceful means, but has not renounced the use of force. The basis of Andalus' foreign policy is armed neutrality, with the goal of defending it's sovereignty and neutrality in International affairs, but in recent years it has shifted towards a larger international role, with the passing of the Article XI.
Andalus' foreign policy is mostly directed towards peace, and cooperation within the region. The Kingdom however, is a major contributor to international peacekeeping and humanitarian efforts, and hasn't fought in any major conflicts since 1990. Andalus seeks to maintain a neutral policy towards other nations, and to avoid getting involved in armed conflicts. The main goals of Andalus' foreign policy are to:
- further the peaceful coexistence of nations;
- maintain stability within Adonia;
- promote Andalusian economic interests abroad;
- alleviate need and poverty in the world
Inter-Andalusian relations (Beidar: العلاقات بين الأندلسية) are the political, cultural, economic, and military interactions between the constituent countries of the Federal Kingdom of Andalus, from Andalusian unification following the Great War to today. The entire structure of Andalusian culture and government depends heavily on peaceful inter-Andalusian relations in order to properly function. These interactions have been dominated by the continued push for deeper integration and attempts to combat the resurgance of deadly nationalism that devastated the country in the 1960s. These relations were outlined by the government in 2016,
Key to the maintaining of these relations are the representative offices maintained by each constituent country in the rest of Andalus, which maintain communication and exchanges between Tiberias, Abbasid and Sousse, and handles issues regarding the representation of each others civilians and their economic, cultural, and legal exchanges.
According to a 2015 poll by the Center for Statistics, 67% of Andalusian thought the 1983 Acts of the Union were a good thing, and beneficial for Andalusian unity, while 23% held the view that it was detrimental. The country most supportive of Andalusian unity is Sousse, with 88% of its population favoring maintaining the union between itself, Tiberias, and Abbasid. Support is much lower in Abbasid and Tiberias, the two states which rivaled each other in the years pre-dating unification, with 56% and 52% respectively.
Following Andalusian unification, the relations between Tiberias and Abbasid were characterized by limited contact, tensions, and segregation of the Beidars, Pied-noirs, and Levantines from each other. In the early years, military conflicts continued, while the two sides continued to fight over political influence. More recently, questions around the political and legal status of Tiberias have focused on the possibility of the withdrawal of Tiberias from the confederation, and regain its sovereignty have moved to the forefront of inter-Andalusian politics. Continued opposition to Tiberian independence remains one of the major rallying points of pan-Andalusians, despite the cause gaining increased traction in recent years.
Andalus uses a civil legal system; that is, law arises primarily from written statutes; judges are not to make law, but merely to interpret it (though the amount of judicial interpretation in certain areas makes it equivalent to case law). Basic principles of the rule of law were laid in the Etruscan Code (which was imposed during the years of Etruscan rule in Andalusia). In agreement with the principles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, law should only prohibit actions detrimental to society. That is, Law should lay out prohibitions only if they are needed, and if the inconveniences caused by this restriction do not exceed the inconveniences that the prohibition is supposed to remedy.
Every Andalusian law must be published in the Journal officiel de l'Andalousie in order for it to be considered legal and valid. This requirement was introduced in 1999, and is a part of the checks and balances system.
Andalus does not recognize religious beliefs or religious law as a motivation for the enactment of prohibitions. Andalusia has long had neither blasphemy laws nor sodomy laws (the first being abolished in 1791). Since 1999, civil unions for homosexual couples are permitted, and since June 2015, same-sex marriage and LGBT adoption are fully legal in Andalus. Laws prohibiting discriminatory speech in the press are some of the strictest in the world. Some consider however that hate speech laws in Andalus are too broad or severe and damage freedom of speech, yet they enjoy wide public support.
The above statement is a result of Andalus' strict adherence to the laïcité policy ("people"), also known as Andalusian secularity, which vehemently bans all religious influence from politics, and prohibits government influence in religious spheres. However the policy does allow for the government to step in if the rights of a citizen are: a) infringed upon by a religious group; b) suppressed or taken away; c) are abused in a way as to stir unrest or infringe on the rights of another citizen of a different faith. This policy is highly contentious in Andalus in the 21st century, due to the seemingly ambiguity of the rights of the government to interfere, and what is allowed in the framework of the Andalusian Constitution.
Andalus' attitude towards freedom of religion is complex. Freedom of religion is guaranteed by the constitutional rights set forth in the 1983 on the Rights of Man. However, since the 1990 Andalusian law on the Separation of the Churches and the State, the State has explicitly aimed to prevent its policy-making from being influenced by religion and became suspicious in recent decades towards new religious tendencies of the Andalusian society: the Parliament has listed many religious movements as dangerous cults since 1995, and has banned wearing conspicuous religious symbols in schools since 2004. In 2010, it banned the wearing of face-covering Islamic veils in public (with the exception of the United Andalusian Emirates, where it is voluntary). As some have complained that they have suffered from discrimination thus, and after criticism by human rights groups these laws remain controversial, although they are supported by most of the population.
Andalus has a three-tier court system, At the lowest level are magistrate courts, situated in the largest cities across the country. Above them are district courts, serving both as appellate courts and courts of first instance; and they are situated in six of Andalusia's six emirates. The third and highest tier is the Supreme Court called the Federal Supreme Court, located in Duis; and it serves a dual role as the highest court of appeals and the High Court of Justice. In the latter role, the Supreme Court rules as a court of first instance, allowing individuals, both citizens and non-citizens, to petition against the decisions of state (emirate) authorities.
The Andalusian Armed Forces (formerly the Andalusian Defense Force) are the military forces of the Federal Kingdom of Andalus. It is focused on defending Andalus' borders, sovereignty, and its citizens. Spending on Andalus' defense has significantly increased since the Fourth Beidar-Tiberian War. Each of the seven emirates of Andalus and the three kingdoms have there own Mobile Defense Force. depending on the population of the emirate, size ranges from 15,000 to 55,000 troops. The military was organized during the 1949 Abbasidi Revolt against Tiberias, by consolidating paramilitary organizations—chiefly tribal and militant groups that preceded the establishment of the Confederation. The last major engagement of the Defense Forces was in 1982, but has since then been involved in several border incursions and disputes with surrounding states.
The nation's military relies heavily on high-tech weapons systems designed and manufactured in foreign nations, mostly Eilat, as well as some made in Andalus. After the Great Adonian War Andalus has developed, and continues to operate, a network of reconnaissance satellites. The success of the joint Andalus-Eilat Alaam program has made Andalu one of three countries in Columbia capable of launching such satellites. Since the 1990s, Andalus has steadily increased the relatively small portion of its gross domestic product on defense. In 1992, Andalus spent 0.6% of its GDP on defense, before rising to 1.3% in 2013. In recent years Andalus has begun steadily increasing its military capabilities, in order to deal with regional threats. in 2010 Andalus and Eilat signed the Safwa Agreement, establishing a joint military force, aimed at the common defense force, while strengthening the relations between the two state.
The country has a large and fully indigenous arms industry, producing most of its own military equipment with only few types of weapons imported. Russia is one of the world's top supplier of arms, a spot it has held since 2001, accounting for around 30% of worldwide weapons sales and exporting weapons to about 80 countries. Andalus was ranked the third largest arms consumer by the Adonian Community in 2015, increasing its share by almost 30%.
The Andalusian Navy has undergone massive expansion in recent years with the goal of defending Andalus' maritime borders, and its overseas possessions. However, Andalus' navy has begun to shift its focus from defense to its offensive capabilities, due to recent developments in its region. Andalus' navy is a green-water navy, with the potential to become a blue water navy. The Andalusian Air Force is designed to support ground forces with surveillance, reconnaissance and troop lift. Two reconnaissance squadrons use light aircraft, three helicopter squadrons are used to move troops and one air transportation squadron uses C-130 transport aircraft to move troops, equipment, and supplies. It currently has around 8,000 personnel. It is planned to increase to 38,000 personnel, with 550 aircraft by 2018. Since the Second Great Central War, it has undergone a continual reorganization and expansion in terms of both capability and numbers of aircraft. Andalus is currently negotiating purchasing fighters from several foreign companies. The Andalusian airforce is the 6th largest Air Force in the world.
Andalus is widely believed to possess nuclear weapons as well as chemical weapons of mass destruction. Andalus has not signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and maintains a policy of deliberate ambiguity toward its nuclear capabilities.
The Federal Kingdom of Andalus is divided into three kingdoms, three special administrative regions, six emirates, and one free city. Each kingdom is divided into smaller regions, and each of Andalus' emirates are divided into several governorates. The most populous emirate is Deira, which is home to 13% of Abbasid's total population. Tiberias is currently the most populous area in Andalus, with over 30 million people calling Tiberias home.
Due to Andalus' diverse cultural and religious background, it has developed a very liberal approach to civil affairs, such as human rights, which are legally protected by the Constitution of Andalus, which confers equality, liberty, rule of law, presumption of innocence in legal procedures, inviolability of the home, freedom of movement, freedom of opinion and speech, freedom of communication, freedom of religion, freedom of council and association, freedom of occupation, freedom to be elected to office and others onto all citizens, within the limit of the law. Andalus is held to be one of the most liberal countries in Columbia, particularly when compared to its neighbors. Andalus has one of the strongest human rights records in the region.
Following rapid advancements, Andalus signed and ratified several human and labor rights treaties. The protections of expatriate workers' rights rapidly eroded during the years of the civil war, which lead to massive increases in human rights abuses against expatriates mostly those from Northeast Althena. King Joseph, following his ascension to the Soussian throne, has pushed for increased protections for foreign workers, extended benefits, and has encouraged them to participate in Andalusian politics and speak out. He has also advocated for several successful laws increasing the penalties for Andalusian citizens who violate Andalus' labor laws. Duis is the home of the Columbian Human Rights Organization, and the country has strictly adhered to the Columbian Declaration on Human Rights.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) persons in Andalus have access to all rights enjoyed by other Andalusian citizens. Andalus is held to be one of the most progressive nations on LGBT issues. Same-sex marriage became legal in February 2015, with a vote of 873 yes-64 no. Same-sex activity was first legalized in the Kingdom of Tiberias in 1795 by royal decree. LGBT activity for both women and men was fully decriminalized in 1869 following the conclusion of the Second Beidar-Tiberian War. Andalus became the first Hedjazi nation to recognize unregistered cohabitation between same-sex couples, making it one of the two nations in Andalusia to recognize any same-sex union thus far. In 2014, the new Andalusian constitution highlighted equal protections and treatment for, "all citizens, regardless of gender, race, or sexual orientation," effectively criminalizing all discrimination against LGBT citizens.
Duis Pride (first assembled 1998) is one of the few, and by far the largest LGBT Pride event in the region, attracted a record 5,000,000 in 2014. Gays and lesbians are also allowed to serve openly in the military since 1997. Recent polls have found that the majority of Andalusian support further recognition of same-sex relations (88% 3rd in the world, 2015). LGBT media is highly prevelant in Andalusian society. As of 2015, official figures show 11.9% of Andalus' population (10,011,325) identify as LGBT. The unsually high concentration of LGBT people is mostly due to high LGBT tourism and the immigration of them from states that are less LGBT friendly. In addition, the 2010 census indicates that the Nuami area (Deira, Saadiyat, Safwa; 20 million people), has the highest concentration of LGBT people in Andalus, with 25.2% of the total population identifying as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender (5,071,982). Research has shown that Andalus' LGBT community commits almost $300 billion a year to the Andalusian economy, far surpassing that of other demographic groups.
Women in Andalus have been officially guaranteed gender equality since the establishment of Andalus in 1948, and was reiterated in the 2014 Constitution. This has guaranteed the right for women to actively participate in all spheres of Andalusian life. The new constitution states: “The Kingdom of Andalus (…) will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex.” Women are guaranteed the right to vote and hold office in Andalus, and actively participate in Andalusian politics. As of 2010, 47.5% of Abbasid's parliament was made up of women.
Women can openly participate in Andalus' armed forces, but it is not mandatory. It is estimated that 37.3% of Andalus' armed forces are made up of women. 2012 estimates indicated that between 80-85% of Andalusian women are in the work force. Criminal acts against women have been known to receive harsher punishment than those against men, as women are highly respected in Andalusian society.
In 2012, the Senate passed the Cannabis Legalization Act (210-139), before it was passed to the Chamber of Representatives. The bill initially stalled, but was voted through with a vote of 409-179. The bill, aimed at legalizing the possession of cannabis for those 18 or older, was supported by 76% of the voters. However, when it passed to the Federal Council, King Mohammed actively campaigned against it. Backed by members of the Freedom and Justice Party, the bill was blocked for two weeks. Eventually public anger and pressure from Sousse, Nasser and Tiberias forced the bill through. The CLA came into effect on 1 January 2013, making Abbasid the third nation to fully legalize cannabis.
King Hamdan has openly supported the policy, stating it poses no threat for both recreational and medical use. People who are licensed are legible to grow cannabis legally, and can be sold, through government monitored stores. The bill greatly reduced the number of arrests for drug related issues, while it saw a rise in drug tourism to cities such as Nasser and Deira that offered cannabis shops. The drug policy has caused friction between Andalus and it's neighbors, mostly Eilat, while the decision was embraced in countries such as Brunswick and Rahmat. The cannabis plants are mostly grown in the mountains of Tiberias and Nasser, where the plants thrive.
Due to Andalus' diverse cultural background, the central government has taken a delicate neutral position on the division of power, and has been slow to tackle the issue of ethnic and racial divisions. The Beidar population has seen considerable decline since the 1930s, while being replaced by the pre-dominately white Pied-noirs and Levantines, who now make up around 63% of the populaiton (2015). The demography of Andalus is monitored by the Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques (INSEE) and the Centre de la statistique (CDLS) respectively.
In 2015, Andalus' population was estimated at 84 million of whom 15% were ethnically Beidar, while the remainder of the population was made up of Levantines (30%), pied noirs (32%), or other smaller groups. The use of the term Levantine originated under the Beidars, who used the world to refer to people of Caucasian, or white, descent. However, the issue is further complicated, as "Levantine" and "Pied-noirs" are often grouped under the name "Columbian", due to their common culture and linguistic background (from Columbia). Official government research uses Columbian. Under Article 10 of Andalusian Federal Law, an expatriate can apply for citizenship after residing in the country for 2 years, providing that person has never been convicted of a crime and has a basic understanding Beidar or Etruscan. As of 2016, people who identify as a migrant, or have origins outside of what is now Andalus account for 40.2% of the population, or 33,819,770 people. Due the sensitive topic of ethnic groups within Andalusian, the government has adopted a neutral stance in inter-Abbasidi relations, and has refrained from specifically outlining them in government documents, including the constitution. The delicate balance between the three groups serves as the foundation of Andalusian society, but has caused a nation wide identity crisis.
It is claimed that Andalusians were originally were Beidar who lived in the areas that became Andalus since ancient times. However new evidence has shown the existance of many Delian writings, and signs of settlement in areas inhabitied by the Bakri population. This supports the claim that the Andalusians were Columbian, and may be descendents of the Ancient Delians, who travelled to Andalusia to settle, and mixed with the tiny Beidar population. The lighter skin of the Bakri tribes also backs this up. The Levantine population originated within Southern Columbia, and gradually migrated northward into the Donan peninsula, while adopting mainstream Columbian cultural characteristics, before passing them on in the Christian-Beidar Wars, and conquest of Tiberias. Many Beidars from nearby countries are employed in the kingdom. The Pieds noir ("black feet") population rapidly grew in southern Andalus during Beidar-Tiberian Wars. There also are significant numbers of expatriates mostly from Sukoyria, Relostava, and and Apomo. The 1970s and 1980s saw a decrease in expatriate numbers following a period of political uncertainty in Andalusia, with most returning to their home countries. Since the 1980s, Andalus' foreign-born population has swelled, with upwards of one million migrants arriving in Andalus each year.
There is an ongoing sense of crisis in regards to Andalusia's ethnic groups, as the possibility of a demographic threat continues to grow. Immigration numbers have continued to swell, and now are poised to transform the Andalusian regions away from their traditional closed societies in a multicultural one. This has been realized in Abbasid, where 51% of the population is foreign-born, the first such state to become minority-majority in Andalusian history.
Demographic statistics according to the Andalusian Center on Demographics.
84,459,214 (2015 estimate)
- Age structure
- 0–14 years: 25.9% (2015 est.)
- 15–64 years: 56.3% (2015 est.)
- 65 years and over: 8.3% (2015 est.)
- 0–14 years: 23.7% (2015 est.)
- 15–64 years: 66.1% (2015 est.)
- 65 years and over: 9.3% (2015 est.)
- 0–14 years: 30.1% (2015 est.)
- 15–64 years: 61% (2015 est.)
- 65 years and over: 8.9% (2015 est.)
- Sex ratio
- at birth: 1.06 male(s)/female
- under 15 years: 1.05 male(s)/female
- 15–64 years: 1.04 male(s)/female
- 65 years and over: 0.72 male(s)/female
- total population: 0.97 male(s)/female (2010 est.)
- Infant mortality rate
4.09 deaths per 1,000 live births (2007)
total: 3.99 deaths/1,000 live births (2010)
- Life expectancy at birth
total population: 79.26 years (2010)
- 80.3 (2013)
- Total fertility rate
1.38 children born/woman (2008)
2.81 children born/woman (2010 est.)
Immigration to Andalus has skyrocketed in recent years, placing Andalus as the 3rd most popular immigration destination. 90% of all immigrants settle in either Nasser, Sousse, or Tiberias. As of 2012, Andalus had a net migration rate of 15.04 migrants/1000 population, one of the world's highest. In 2014 Andalus accepted 982,890 immigrants, a 25% increase from the year before. Beidars from Rahmat accounted for 45% of incoming expatriates, followed by other Columbians at 32%. While Andalus was once considered the friendliest country towards immigrants, attitudes have shifted in recent years as a result of unrestricted migration and the perceived refusal of said migrants to integrate into and accept Andalusian culture. In 2016 the ACS found that 38% of Andalusians had a positive opinion of immigration to Andalus, while 45% responded the opposite.
The first major immigration to Andalusia began with the "Travailleur étranger" or guest workers, have had a significant presence in Andalusia since the 19th century, when they immigrated to the island in droves following decades of political/religious persecution and war in Columbia and Althena. The devastation caused by the unification wars and the ensuing conflicts resulted in significant declines in the Andalusian-born population, currently estimated at 24% of the current population. The void left in the workforce by those lost was filled with largely unskilled immigrants, through the Main d'oeuvre peu chère (hard inexpensive work) system, and much thought was not given to the potential changes that the influx would have on the regional demographics. The process has since accelerated, with the Andalusian government touting a open-door policy for those seeking to migrate. However, immigration rates have far outstripped Andalus's capacity to accept them, and has exhausted government resources to accommodate the increasing population.
Andalus currently has an open-door policy for immigration, given that said person has never been convicted of a violent crime. The passage of the Dream Act (2011), removed the last hurdles preventing illegal immigrants faster integration and aid to resettle in Andalus. It also sped up the process of nationalization and abolished federal and state level immigration quotas. However the effects of this law were severely underestimated, and was temporarily suspended following the collapse Andalus' resettlement program due to the sheer numbers, estimated to be about 1/8 of Andalus' total population.
|Largest cities in Andalus|
|Rank||Core city||Country||Metropolitan Area||Population (2017)||Region|
|2||Deira||Deira||Deira-Sabrallaj-Saadiyat Metropolitan Area||10,895,357||Hedjaz|
|3||Nasser||Nasser SAR||Nasser City Area||6,891,129||Nasser SAR|
|4||Rasheed||Rasheed||Greater National Capital Area||6,829,000||Riyadh|
|5||Saadiyat||Saadiyat||Deira-Sabrallaj-Saadiyat Metropolitan Area||1,728,000||Hedjaz|
|6||Sidayariah||Khalifji||Sidayariah Metropolitan Area||1,721,000||Khali|
|7||Jidda||Ayjad||Jidda Metropolitan Area||1,714,000||Najd|
|8||Ayjad||Ayjad||Ayjad Metropolitan Area||1,700,000||Najd|
|9||Taza||Tiberias||Taza Metropolitan Area||1,663,000||Île de Tibériade|
|10||Sabrallaj||Sabrallaj||Sabrallaj City Area||728,982||Northern Region|
|11||Abdullah||Rasheed||National Capital Area||525,892||Riyadh|
|12||Safwa||Sabrallaj||Great Safwa Area||221,738||Eastern Region|
Beidar and Etruscan are the national languages of Andalus. The Gulf dialect of Beidar is spoken natively by the Abbasidi people. However due to early influence from Imperial powers, Etruscan and Avelian are commonly heard throughout Abbasid. Etruscan was introduced in the early 1800s after Etrusque's invasion of Andalusia. Bakric is spoken by the Bakri tribe in northeastern Andalusia. Most signs in Andalus are in Beidar, Avelian, and Etruscan, due to historical influence.
However, the Andalusian population has grown into a linguistically and culturally diverse community. High immigration rates have introduced a variety of new languages to the country, and he Andalusian government officially lists 45 languages and dialects spoken in local communities. The main languages used for communication among Andalusian citizens are Beidar and Etruscan, while Avelian, second language of the majority of the Andalusian population, is used widely in official logos, road signs and product labels. Etruscan and Beidar have official status. The fourth largest language in Andalus is Sukoyrian, spoken by about 15% of the total population, and has semi-official status in Tiberias and Sousse. Statistics show that 52% of Andalusians are multilingual.
During the 1960s, the Andalusian government pursued a policy of suppressing the native languages of immigrants, forcing them to adopt Etruscan last names, and shut down businesses and evicted landowners who refused to accept Etruscan as their new language. During the Andalusian Civil War broadcasts and warnings had to be issued in over 10 languages, and marked the end of official discrimination based on language.
Following the unification of Andalusia education was very poor, and in Abbasid was limited to Islamic schools that only accepted male citizens. During the reign of President Faisal education was rapidly expanded, and the first fully secular university was built in Andalus. Free education was first open to every resident of Abbasid, citizen and expat, no matter what gender in 1978. This encouraged the founding of The Sanese University of Rasheed in 1978. Since then, the country has progressed with efforts of ensuring high literacy rates, modern programs and women’s share in education. Andalus currently devotes approximately 25 percent of total federal government spending to education. The overall literacy rate is 99%.
Public education is free for male and female citizen children through the university level in Andalus. Expatriates can also attend school in Andalus for free. Education is compulsory through the twelfth grade. Primary school enrollment for males in 2015 stood at 99% and 99% of females. Secondary school enrollment figures are lower with 79% for males, and 84% for females. In 2004–5 approximately 0.7 percent of students in grades one through five and 0.9 percent of students in grades six through nine did not complete their education; this rate rose to 1.3 percent in grades 10–12. The overall literacy rate of Andalus is 99% Between the ages of 15-29, males reached 98% literacy and women 99%.
Standards of health care are much higher than that of its Andalusian neighbors, a result of increased government spending during strong economic years. According to the Federal Supreme Council, total expenditures on health care in 2010 was $2.1 billion. According to the World Health Organization, in 2015 total expenditures on health care constituted 9.6 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), and the per capita expenditure for health care was ₡4,903. Health care currently is free for all Andalusian citizens, and is fully paid for by the government under Andalus' universal health care. Cardiovascular disease is the principal cause of death in the Abbasid, averaging 24 percent of total deaths; other major causes are accidents and injuries, malignancies, and congenital anomalies.
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